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Copy 



OUR CRISIS; 



OR, 



AN IMPARTIAL EXAMINATION 



THE ISSUES NOW BEFORE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 

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B. T. MIT]^^^ 



CAMBRIDGE: 
PRINTED BY DAKIN AND METCALF 

1866. 



OUR CRISIS; 



AN IMPARTIAL EXAMINATION 



THE ISSUES NOW BEFORE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 



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^ B. T. MUK.I^, 



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CAMBRIDGE: 
PRINTED BY DAKIN AND METCALF 

1866. 



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■N\^U 



PREFACE. 



In times of revolution, the passions of men become excited to such a degree 
that a calm and dispassionate adjustment of difficulties is impossible. The feel- 
ings of partisan hatred and resentment are harrowed up to the higliest pitch. 
Both parties seem driven on by madness, frenzy, and despair. The supporters 
of law and order forget the responsibilities that are intrusted to them ; they 
forget the sacred obligations that devolve upon them, and rush as madly to the 
conflict as if they had no reason, or judgment, or discrimination. A blind fatality 
seems to lead them on. They go, they know not wherefore; neither will they 
stop to inquire. All who do not think as they, and fight as they, are rebels, 
traitors, and fiends. Their eyes are flushed with hope, their cheeks are pallid 
■with fear, and their limbs are tremulous with rage. They hasten hither and 
thither, with firm step and clenched fists, denouncing enemies at home and 
abroad. 

The same may be said of the insurgents. No man will be heard that is not 
for the uncompromising prosecution of the war. War to the last ditch ! war to 
the last man! they cry. Let us bleed and die while we can in a noble cause. 
Wherefore do we live, if not in freedom, and in the enjoyment of our inalien- 
able rights? Shall it be to live slaves, crushed under the heel of oppression, 
and ground in the lowest grovels of destitution and beggary ? Rather let us die 
an honorable death, than live a dishonorable life. Let us die as becomes the 
children of revolutionary sires, who once reddened the soil of our country with 
blood. Shall we be found unworthy such progenitors ? For liberty they fought, 
and bled, and died ; are we not worthy the boon ? If unable to acquire, we 
will die in the attempt. We will show our willingness by trying to acquire our 
rio-hts ; by dying bravely on the ensanguined field. This shall be evidence of the 
sincerity of our intentions, the holiest and purest that ever animated the human heart. 

Such is the language of the brave defenders of every clime. Liberty was 



IV PREFACE. 

the last cry of brave Hungary, crushed beneath the iron hoof of the despotic 
Cossack. Such was the groan which emanated from sundered Poland, as she 
was cut limb from limb, joint from joint, and torn and mangled by the cruel 
ferociousness of her ojipressors. 

For the reason that the minds of men are so frantic for the acquisition of 
liberty and independence, and, on the other hand, so mad with fanaticism, hatred 
and revenge, I shall attempt to give a succinct and impartial advice, unin- 
fluenced by any partisan motives, or pecuniary consideration, on the issues which 
now agitate and convulse the American world. This will make such counsel 
more valuable, as it emanates from one truly loyal to his country, and alive to 
every sentiment which can affect our national glory, or subserve to our general 
interests. This is what the people need, — something on which they can place 
explicit reliance. They view with distrust everything partisan, as a production 
designed for the furtherance of party interests, at the sacrifice of the antagonistic 
faction. They feel as if they had now gone far enough, and that it is now time 
to begin to consider about a reconciliation and peace ; but how a reconciliation 
can be best brought about, and how peace can be best maintained, shall be the 
aim of this treatise to show. 

B. T. M. 



INDEX. 



CHAPTER I. 
Has Man a right over Man? 7 

CHAPTER II. 
Has Man the right of Jurisdiction and Dominion 1 8 

CHAPTER III. 
Why do wb War against each other"? 12 

CHAPTER IV. 
Are our Resources better developed by War than Peace ? .... 15 

CHAPTER V. 
What is the Policy of the Administration? 20 

CHAPTER VI. 

The Policy op the Government, 25 

APPENDIX, .:..... 29 



OUE CEISIS. 



* -mtm » 



CHAPTER I. 

" HAS A MAN A RIGHT OVER MAN ? " 

Seeing that this subject was the cause of 
our unhappy difference, "we will commence 
with its consideration. 

Every man is born sovereign, inalienably 
free and independent. Notwithstanding this 
declaration, the framers of our constitution 
thought fit not to include within the definition 
of that term the negro. Whether he should 
or should not be so denominated, I shall not 
here consider. But I would say, however, as 
I will perhaps find no better place, that when 
any people become desirous of rearing them- 
selves into a nation, to occupy, with the other 
nations of the world, a position which is and 
has been filled by the rest of the human fam- 
ily, we have no right to interfere ; but when 
no such desire exists, when a people are im- 
mersed in barbarism, ignorance, and idolatry, 
I cannot think it wrong, when every other 
measure to civilize them and make them 
members of the great human family fails, to 
reduce them to subjugation, and teach them 
the arts of civil and social life, and after- 
ward to set them free. Perhaps it would 
be a good plan to send them home again 
to teach their more unfortunate brethren. 
Their condition cannot surely, by such treat- 
ment, be made worse. Let this not be con- 
strued into an apology for slavery ; it is, on 
the contrary, right the reverse. Slavery is 
a great evil ; but barbarism, superstition, ig- 
norance, and idolatry are the greatest evils 
which can infect the world. Civil slavery is 
emancipation therefrom — it is freedom and 
happiness. 

It is the duty of a civilized people to en- 
deavor to raise their brethren out of the 
dust, and not to observe a more punctilious 



but less glorious principle of remaining 
quiet and see a fallen race wallowing in the 
lowest grovels of destitution, misery, and 
sensuality. Tliis does not argue the right to 
abuse the unfortunate in his tutorship, but 
rather to require no more of them than 
will compensate for the expense incurred 
for transportation, food, and raiment. This 
they should be willing to liquidate. Thus 
would we not only be conferring a blessing 
on them, but it would be acting up to the 
highest principles of morality and humanity. 
If all nations and kingdoms and powei-s 
should make laws empowering their subjects 
or citizens to go to Africa buy, steal, or 
kidnap, any way to get them out of suth a 
place, and bring them home, and make them 
work suflicient, and perhaps a little more, as 
an inducement to embark in the enterprise, 
it should be prescribed, they would be con- 
ferring on the negro a lasting blessing which 
could never be forgotten. It would be the 
highest indication of their wish to elevate 
that unfortunate race. To leave them with 
indifference to their fate is worse than hope- 
less life-long slavery. But if the inhumanity 
of civilization is such that they can sit down 
complacently, and see them practise ])romiscu- 
ous concubinage, infantile murder, cannibal- 
ism, and gray-headed decapitation, why, I 
have nothing to say cxeei)t to mourn over the 
depravity of enlightened men, — men who 
profess such piiilanthroj)y that they will not 
rescue, when it is within tlieir power, from the 
chains of barbarism. This is slavery the 
most degrading, and infinitely worse tlian 
any other. 

As to man's inheriting a right to such 
property it is too palpable for a moment's 
consideration. Thougli they may not b.- our 
ecjuals, yet this does not give us a right over 
them, as nothing gives this except the good of 



8 



OUR CRISIS. 



the race. 'When you have benefited them, 
you have doiu! tliein tliat good ; and what is 
good I'aiinot he made more so; good is good. 
Tliat children, insolent and arrogant, should 
prejume to elaini them as chattels is jjrepos- 
terous. Think of an old negro living under 
the same paternal roof for forty yea7-s, edu- 
cated in all out-doors atlairs, so" that he can 
go on with the work as well as if another 
was near. The wood is got, a pail of water 
is letched, the ashes are removed, the pigs 
are t'vd, the cows milked, all is done without 
his being told ; and then to think that a little 
urchin, who can hardly lisp a word of Eng- 
lish, should presume toilictate and order him 
about is monstrous, and ought not to be tol- 
erated. 

Man can claim no inheritance in anythin"- 
that is conscious, and can reason, converse^ 
and be understood ; for the same right could 
be extended to include every othe'r human 
being on the globe, and no one would have 
rights or liberties which another would be 
bound to respect. Such an order of things 
could not well subsist ; and if any man has 
rights, every man has. None can claim for 
himself that which cannot be conceded to 
another; what one has all must have; for 
we are born into the world equal. This ex- 
plodes the European .system, those great phi- 
lanthropists of the negro race. If God or 
nature had endued one class with preroga- 
tives and powers, privileges and immuniti'es, 
which another class has not got, then that 
superiority could be assumed. No such 
thing can be shown, — still man assumes it ; 
and that very people so rampant in their de- 
nunciations of civil slavery, allow them- 
selves to be chained and shackled by a dom- 
inant ministry ; and still they all cry liberty ! 
liberty ! when themselves have it not. They 
allow them>elves to be oppressed, but others 
cannot be. Let them free themselves before 
they attempt to free others. Let them taste 
the sweetness of liberty before they extend 
the cup to others. 

It is impossible for any one to condemn 
one kind of slavery, without condemning 
every kind. The slavery in America can 
not be condemned without condemning that 
which exists all over the world. If a man 
has not a right over a negro, a rich man 
has not a right over a poor man. Still every 
one makes distinction between persons. He 
tries to recognize some divine inherent supe- 
riority where none exists. Such feelings arc 
not wholly eradicated even from northern 
abolition minds. They have their slaves or 
<k'pendants, who (latter every word and listen 
with raj)tiire to every command. I presume 
in liberty-loving England you will find that 
as the lord takes his ride among his extensive 



farms, ravished from his poor dependent fel- 
lows, he is met at every gate by his smiling 
vassal, cap in hand ; and that same lord who 
will, perhaps, go to parliament and make an 
elo({uent speech in behalf of the oppressed 
negro, delights to take a ride in his coach and 
six, accompanied by his wife and daughter, 
and ])oint out the repairs he intends to make, 
at the same time noticing the willing subser- 
viency of his dependents as they totter out 
of squalid huts, in rags that scarcely conceal 
their nakedness, to witness the magnificent 
display of aristocratic usurpation. Slaves 
ought not to talk of slavery ; but let freemen 
utter the cry. Let those who know its worth 
extol its merits, not those who are oppressed 
and down-trammeled. But the time is near 
when these will shake off this yoke. Soon 
all the world will be free or it will be all en- 
slaved. Repeatedly lias Europe tried to 
shake off the yoke of bonded despotism, and 
as often has it been suppressed ; the next 
time it will succeed, and kings and princes 
and tyrants shall be no more. 



CHAPTER H. 



HAS MAN THE RIGHT OF JURISDICTION 
AND DOMINION ? 



The right of man over man being denied 
in the preceding chapter, it must not be con- 
ceded in this; for if man has not a right 
over man, he surely has not an exclusive 
right to territory and dominion. One is a 
usurped right and the other a conquered 
one ; both are therefore equal, as it is con- 
ceded by the people without the display of 
any force or persuasion. Against this no one 
has a right to remonstrate ; for the wish of 
the people is right as far as they themselves 
are concerned and no further ; and this wish 
should be law respected by all, invaded by 
none. "We will divide this chapter, for con- 
venience, into subjugated provinces and wil- 
ling states ; the former being considered and 
built up by the power of the sword, the lat- 
ter as one united together with or by the 
consent of the people. 

First, then, has a power a right to invade 
another member of its provinces? No. 
Why ? Because in so doing the power mak- 
ing the aggression would do that which it 
could not wish should be done to itself One- 
man or power has not a right to inflict that 
which he is not willing to suflbr. And, again, 
to force a people into obedience is not 
right, because might is not always right ; and 



HAS MAN Till'] RKJIIT OF JURISDICTION AND DOMINION 



because the same rijjlit tan be exteniK'd, if 
mi{fht be sufficient, to every otlier power and 
people. Such a riglit does not select a par- 
ticular people ior siibjujiation. Because the 
Romans could not conipier the whole world, it 
is no argument to say (hat they had no right ; 
for they had just as much right to coiupicr 
Persia, India, and China, as I hey had to con- 
quer Gaul and Spain. The people o('(iaul and 
Spain had the same rights as those of India 
and they should have been respected as 
much. 

Because man is subjugateil. I su|)pose it 
was intended that he should be; but this 
does not prove it right, that it always should 
be so. Everything that is, is right. If man 
ean be subjugated he ought to be. Then 
might is right ? Yes, if he chooses to live under 
that subjugation ; but if he had rather die 
than live under such vassalage then there is 
no right or wrong about it. The question is 
at an end. If my fellow and I have a dis- 
pute about a piece of land, and to settle it 
■we come to blows, and one of us is killed, 
why then there is no question about the right ; 
the survivor takes possession of the disputed 
ground. It is right because there is no one 
with whom to question that right. But if the 
right be questioned by any one, then it is not 
right. All opposition must be put down be- 
fore such a right ean be substantiated. When 
I have vanquished all my opponents, then I 
can sit down amidst the carcasses and enjoy 
the fruit of my bravery, and it is right that I 
occupy it because I do. If any one contests 
my right let him come on, and I will lay him 
out as I have the rest. The spot shall be red- 
dened by the blood of the opposition ; and 
it shall be made rich with their putrefying 
flesh, but that I shall maintain the integrity 
of my dominion. So much of earth is mine 
till I am vanquished by a stronger antago- 
nist. The same a worm might say, with 
equal propriety and truth. But there is this 
much about it, that it is not humanity nor 
politic. It is not human, because it brutal- 
izes the man: man does not fight. He dis- 
dains to reason and resorts to the arbitra- 
ment of carnal weapons, when either he or 
his fellow must mingle his dust with the earth. 
It is impolitic because violent, sanguinary, 
and rash. All governments have tor their 
end the good and happiness of the people, 
and all measures that do not conduce to this 
end are impolitic. War is not a blessing; 
it is not for the good and happiness of the 
people ; it is their curse ; therefore war 
should never be resorted to. No provoca- 
tion should be sufficient to disturb the happi- 
ness of the people. No judicious and en- 
lio-htened people will allow themselves to be 
carried awav into a vortex of bloody strife by 



trilling wrongs, and those which can be set- 
tled peaceably by diplomacy. 

Against the right of states to bind them 
selves together mutually, reciprocally and 
amiiably, thus constituting a great state, no 
one has a right to remonstrate. The wish of 
the ])iople is the law. It is the fundamental 
princi]jle u|)on which all constitutional, limi- 
Xvd governments are l)aseil. It is the nucleus 
around which all cijual governments cluster ; 
all others are tyrannical, imperious and des- 
potic ; these are rapidly dissolving away be- 
fore the rising light (jf modern reform. Soon 
every vestige of them will be swept from 
earth, and the will of the people shall rule 
triumphant. The general government has no 
right to coerce a state that wishes to with- 
draw from its allegiance, — for the same 
power that made the contract can unmake it : 
namelj', the wish of the people. Neither has 
a constituted power the right to bind their 
successors to the observance of the com- 
pact into which they have entered. I care 
not how perpetual and irrevocable they 
may decree it; for a people are not bound 
by any obligation, human or divine, to obey 
laws they have not enacted. This would be 
to preclude the possibility of revolution and 
reform, which it is impossible to maintain 
either by reason or force. Our crisis is a 
case to the point. Suppose North Carolina 
had not chosen to accede to the terms of 
the constitution, — and she was a good 
while deliberating, — could she have been 
forced by the twelve colonies that did ac- 
cept it into the union ? Why no ; this 
would at once have destroyed the very foun- 
dation on which the whole superstructure of 
the constitution was based. AH civil, social 
and religious privileges were conceded by 
the constitution. Union, liberty, equality 
was the constitution. And if a state had not 
the liberty to choose or reject it, it was all a 
delusion, — a shadow; there was nothing of 
it ; there could be nothing in it. North Car- 
olina would have been to the republic a for- 
eign state, because she did not choose to 
abide by the terms of the contract ; and so 
our fathers contended. No measures were 
taken to force her to accept them but they 
v^•ent right on deliberating for the twelve 
which had delegated them their powers, just 
as if North Carolina were not in existence. 
The twelve would not be afraid of her even 
should she assume a hostile attitude. 

Because they entered into a compact that 
the union should be perpetual is no argu- 
ment against the right of a state to withdraw 
whenever she finds that to remain in the 
compact would be prejudicial to her interests 
and happiness. A people are not so almighty 
as to decree what shall hereafter be. They 



10 



OUR CRISIS. 



cannot prcscril>e the conditions on which 
unborn millions shall live. They cannot 
take the rijihts iVom their children which they 
asked an<ft'ou<:ht for themselves. If North 
Carolina had no ri>:ht to accent, she has no 
rij:ht to reject ; the ri-iht to accept was con- 
ceiled, the rij.dit to reject must be ; for the 
people inhabitinjr that state have the same 
riiihts as those wlio entered into the compact ; 
if'not, when and why wei-e they impaired ? 
Thev have not been; they remain intact; 
eveii thonjrh they be concjueretl, their ri<zhts 
are the same ; they are connate ; they can 
not be taken away, no more than you can 
take the soul from' a livinjr enitiodiment. 

If sut'h things were possililc there never 
would have been a revolutiwn, and peo|)le 
would live as they did hundreds of years an;o. 
For this purpose wars are proclainu-d ; bat- 
tles are tbujiht ; homes laid in ruins; the 
oountrv devastated; the sick, infirm, and 
helpless slauLditered ; maidens outra^jed ;and 
mothers murdered in cold barbaric blood, 
and still the rijrht is contested. People in 
the plenitude of ])Ower believe themselves 
competent to dictate to anybody and any- 
thing. The allied powers said that the Bour- 
bons^ should sit on the throne of France; the 
French said they shotdd not, and they do 
not. Those same powers now proclaim con- 
servatism throu<j;hout the European world; 
they are banded together for the support of 
that idea ; thev have won many battles, and 
conquered many states ; but they are not om- 
nipotent nor invincible; and as true as God 
liveth, thev will sooner or later bite the dust. 
It is u.seles's to maintain such a doctrine, for 
it can only be upheld by the blood and treas- 
ure of the people, and "at the sacrifice of the 
end of all government. The sovereignty re- 
sides with the people. This is the old Jef- 
fersonian doctrine, and which has been trans- 
mitted through the party of which he was 
the creator to the present time. It is now 
warrin" against aristocratical usurpation ; 
and if'^they maintain the strugjjle to the last, 
thev will evince by their patriotism a com- 
mendable contemp't of life, and a valor and 
resolution worthy of a more virtuous age ; 
while at the same time they will show them- 
selves not unworthy their revolutionary fa- 
thers, in thus choosmg to die in the defence 
of a cherished idea rather than live under 
the dominion of the enemies of republican- 
ism. Aristocracy and di-mocracy have been 
the issue since tiu* foundation of our govern- 
ment. It broke out during the first term of 
Washington ; but it was not apprehended 
that the'^opposition wouhl lead to any serious 
result until it began to assume a geographi- 
cal position. Then the danger became evi- 
dent and alarming. It was not, however, 



thought it would proceed to such lengths as 
it has. The slavery question was made the 
issue between them. The parties did not 
oriLMiiate tVom circumstances; but they were 
a natural result of the existing order of things. 
We were organizing our government, and 
of course an opposition to the measures of 
the irovcrnment wouhi be set on foot, not so 
much to Irustrate the designs of that gov- 
ernment as to keep alive the embers of par- 
tisan warfare, and to check the tendeiu'y of 
the <rovcrimient to absorb into itself all the 
powvrs of the state. One party, — the fed- 
eralist, — was for a constitutional aristocracy, 
as the basis of the government, with a crown 
surmounting the brow of a petty slave as the 
apex. The other was for cmtailing, as nnich as 
possii)le, without invalidating their cfticacy, 
the powers of the general government. One 
wished to rule according to the interests of a 
dominant, hereditary caste ; the other sought 
to maintain the principle of popular sove- 
reignty in all its branches. One wished to 
rule for themselves and to modify, as their 
fortunes miizht dictate, the fundamental prin- 
ciples of tiie constitution; and the other 
wanted to govern according to the wishes 
of the people and constitutional law. 

It will be observed that slavery was not 
the cause of the lamentable strife now going 
on in our countrv, but it was simply an 
auxiliarv. It served as a handle by which 
to take'hold of partisan antagonists. It was 
a ground on which issue could be taken. 
Tlie passions conld be excited by warm dec- 
lamations against negro servitude and lord- 
ship. Wives and husbands, children and 
mothers, relations and friends were sepa- 
rated and driven, chained together like cat- 
tle, into hopeless servitude. All of which 
could be exaggerated in glowmg partisan 
colors, in order to excite the imagination and 
control the judgment. The slavery issue 
was more a help to the cause of one party, 
than as springing from any philanthropic 
desire to meliorate the condition of the slave. 
Thev had their own interests to advance. 
They are more inclined to oppress than 
emancipate. They care no more for the 
happiness and welfare of the slave than they 
do for that ol' a dog. The slave has nothing 
in common with them. He will not partici- 
pate in their triumph nor share in their afflu- 
ence. They will not allow the slave to mar- 
ry into their aristocratic blood ; neither will 
they dine with the philanthropist, nor enjoy 
any of the fruits of victory, or of their 
emancipation; for, no doubt, they will be 
allowed to live on the patrimonial estate in 
huts too fetid for the habitation of swine ; to 
send their children to school, to receive for 
their services an insignificant consideration,— 



HAS MAN THE R[GIIT OF JIIIirSDrCTrON AND DOMINION ? 



11 



one which would be despised bv a Rroadwav 
poster, — and their food hominy and rice, with 
the liberty of goinjx with his family to the 
next plantation, and aeeept for his labor 
the same reward, the same food, and a hut as 
squalid as the other. This is the ai)olitiori 
nioflifieation of the eonstitution. It is a white- 
wash on the slavery system. The slave 
looks at himself, his food, his penury, his rai- 
ment, and he diseovers his condition not 
chanjied, — he is a slave still. Wherever he 
turns, the same doom awaits him, — he is a 
black man yet. On the whole, I guess they 
will wish they had never seen their aboli- 
tion friends ; for they can at best only change 
masters, and this is a poor consolation. 

In discussing the right of states to sover- 
eign power we have wandered a little from 
the main thread of our narrative. We will 
now return to examine another important 
point involved in the issue. 

In the exercise of sovereign power might 
is claimed to be right, because it is and was 
of course so decreed ; then in the exercise of 
civil power might is ri<:ht. It is just as right 
that black slaves be held in bondage by civil 
law, as that white ones Ije held by sovereign 
power; and the evil is proportionally greater 
in the ratio of numerical majority. If the 
white population is greater than the black, 
then the evil is greater. But, says the abo- 
litionist, the master has no business over the 
slave ; the same I have admitted ; neither 
have you any business over the white man. 
Must the shackles be knocked off the wrists 
of the black man to be placed upon those of 
the white man ? Must new ones be forged for 
the increase of the slaves ? The slave-hold- 
ers hold their slaves by the force of the civil 
power ; now you propose to hold both mas- 
ter and slave in obedience to your will, by 
the force of the sovereign arm. You say it 
is not right to hold the negro in servitude, 
and still you wish to hold the white man in 
subjection. Now, if any one can distinguish 
between these two evils he has more subtle 
powers of discernment than I possess ; for I 
can see no difference in the moral, whether 
four million blacks be enslaved, or four million 
whites, and in our case there are more whites 
to be enslaved than there are negroes; there- 
fore the evil is greater in proportion. But, you 
ask, how are the whites enslaved by being 
made to relinquish that to which, by your 
own statement, they have no manner of 
right ? Simply by being made to do that, 
by you, which you condemn in them when 
exacting trom others. They have as much 
right over the negro as you have over them ; 
and if you have a right over them, they, or 
others, have a right over you. And this 
ri'dit over you, you will not concede ; there- 



fore it cannot be granted to yon; and if you 
have no right over them, they have none 
over the negro. But there is no right over 
either; still, what is, is right, it it is not con- 
tested ; but so long as thei-e ren)ains an op- 
ponent it is not. All o[)fM>sition i>mst be put 
down, and the peoj)l(i s<'ttle (town [»eaceably 
and contentedly, befoiv it is right ; that is, the 
peOf)h^ among whom the evil .'xists. li' they 
are contented to live as they do, it is no one's 
business to n»eddle with them. Let every 
tub stand on its own hottoin, and every state 
and parts tbe:-eof sovereign and independ- 
ent. 

If a people invite you to assist them in, 
the strnggh' for indefiendence, you should 
grant it with alacrity and good-will. There 
are no moral scruples against such a step ; 
nay, it is a virtue to extiMid a helping hand to 
one in distress. If one people are about to be 
swallowed up by the voraciousness, avidity, 
and ambition of another, rush to them like 
brothers, resolved to live aii<l die with them 
in glory, and save them from destruction, or 
be with them buried in a patriot's grave. 
There is no exception to this rule. There is 
no argument that can justd'y a peo])le in re- 
fusing to help a brave nation struggling for 
independence. The fact that they wish to 
be sovereign is sufficient in warranting a na- 
tion to help them. A blind and indolent in- 
activity in such cases is the most i-eprehensi- 
ble. It accuses a people of ingratitude and 
indifference ; for there are certain obliga- 
tions which one man owes to another; and 
out; is, when he sees his fellow in distress to 
help him ; if he sees him on the ocear 
struggling tor life in a sinking vessel to go t€ 
him and take him on board a safe and navi- 
gable one. What would be thought of a 
man in such circumstances, if, after seeing a 
signal of distress fluttering out in the breeze 
at the mast-head, he should sail along indiffer- 
ent to the prayers of the perishing mariner? 
Such an one would be pelted and hooted 
and burned in efhgy, and I do not know but 
hanged in the streets. But you say the case 
is not the same of an insurgent state. The 
latter can have peace and safety by return- 
ing to allegiance. So can the mariner by 
kee[)ing off the ocean , but once embarked 
thereon his life is staked upon the issue. The 
insurgents, you say, need not embark ; their 
life nor liberty nor happiness does not depend 
on their periling their lives in insurrection. 
Does not, you say ? A man who would talk 
like that eighty years ago would have been 
denounced as a tory. Is the circumstance 
changed? Is not that true now which was 
true then ? What has caused it to be differ- 
ent ? 

And again : a people's liberty and happi- 



12 



OUK CRISIS. 



nt'ss are staked upon the issue. Shall a na- 
tion live in treuihlinjr subserviency to anoth- 
er's will? Better die ten thrusand deaths 
rather than live obedient slaves. The ease 
of an insur^ient nation is exactly the same as 
a perishinji mariner. The one is seeking 
lite, independence, and honor; the other life. 
A\'hat is lite without independence and hon- 
or ? It is a curse; it is woi-se, it is a stigma 
upon the majesty of man ; and any who can 
look u])on a brave and [)atriotic peop' ■ strug- 
gling for life, after a signal of distress has been 
raised and imploring hands lifted to heaven 
with tearlul eyes and supplicating heart for 
succor in the hour of their distress, and then 
pass on to the other side, thus leaving them 
to their fate, should be proscribed, eon- 
denmed, and shunned. Humanity will show 
itself human at all times and under all cir- 
cumstances. 



CHAPTER HI. 

WHY DO WE WAR AGAINST EACH OTHER ? 

In answer to the question, " Why do we 
war against each other V " the answer is sim- 
ple and obvious, " To progress ; to estab- 
lish our liberty and independence." These 
ends appear to be perfectly legitimate. As 
to the morality of resisting aggression, seri- 
ous doubts may arise. Such a theory is 
practicable when people cease to invade, 
and when they become iully conscious of the 
wrong in constraining another. The time, 
no doubt, is not distant when the people will 
recognize this truth. It has already found 
many advocates. I am myself a disciple of 
this theory. I believe in j)assive, not active 
resistance ; but until a sullicicnt number can 
be induced to believe and act up to this stand- 
ard of perfection, it is not altogether useless 
to try to enforce its practical illustration. 
As far as I am myself concerned, I can carry 
it out ; but I cannot make others do it. I 
will show by my example ; I will teach by 
precept the uselulne.s.s and possibility oladapt- 
ing in our every day walk of life such a phi- 
losojdiy. But under existing circumstances 
when there is no other nieans of advance 
whi( h can have any eil'ect upon the stubborn 
wilfulness of the people, it is well, it is our 
duty to resort to the sword. This will prick 
up the understanding of the jteople when 
everything else is impotent. It is the 
scourge and the blessing of mankind. It 
liberates and it frees. It cuts our shackles 
in twain, and rivets our independence. For 
us to deny the use of the sword in the prog- 
ress of nations would be to condemn us to 



hopeless and intolerable slavery. It is the 
only instrument of progress heretofore used. 
It is the only one that a blind, superstitious, 
and bigoted people can use. AVhere reason 
and argument prove fallacious, the sword is 
most ])()tcnt. Where mitrhtand matter rules 
the sword is the arbitrator; but where reason 
and judgment prevail, the sword will rust. 
When people will not reason, they must 
fight; but when they begin to reason, they 
will l)egin to have peace. 

We will divide this subject into the right 
of revolution, and the maintenance of gov- 
ernmental authority intact. First, then, if 
the people had not the right of revolution, 
and an appeal to the sword in cases of ag- 
gression and tyranny, there would be no re- 
sort, when the extremity of })hysical endur- 
ance and forbearance is passed, but patiently 
to submit anil linger out the long, weary years 
of life, till they finally drop into a welcomed, 
disgraced, and forgotten grave; and this 
would be the surest sign of a people's unwor- 
thiness and incompetency for the possession 
of so valuable a boon, and slavery would be 
their rightful inheritance ; for a people who 
do not care to accpiire, are unworthy to pos- 
sess ; and if after possession they lose, they 
are " deservedly made vassal." If they can- 
not hold, they ought not tc have. 

To (ieny a people the right of rising up and 
throwing off the yoke of oppression when 
they are enslaved, would be to deny them 
the right to revolutionize in all cases whatso- 
ever ; for it is not for us to judge whether a 
people merit liberty or not ; their own feel- 
ings and wishes are sufficient authority. We 
cannot discriminate so nicely. We cannot 
feel so sensitively. We cannQt tell what 
others feel, think, and suffer. We cannot 
fathom their as])irations. Sup])ose a people 
have not been ojipresscd, is it an indication 
that they never will be V Are they not at lib- 
erty to antici[)ate in prosperous cin'tmistanc- 
es, what they ajiprehi'iid under less favorable 
ones? Are they not at liberty to think, act, 
fieel and govern tliemsehesV To take away 
such rights, would be to take away that for 
which our fathers fought. It wouhl be to nul- 
lity their patriotism, and say they vainly bled 
and died. 

There is no such thing ; man has not that 
liberty. lie cannot undo what he himself 
has done. His deeds are irrevocable. They 
cannot be cancelled. He is almighty to 
do — to accept or reject ; but when the de- 
cision is mack; his die is cast, his doom is 
sealed. He cannot undo, retract, or abolish 
liis work. This is a cjueer argument, and 
which no sensible, patriotic, or dispassionate 
mind will indorse. A man of the highest 
patriotism and the most commendable integ- 



WHY DO WR WAR AGAINST EACH OTIIEK ? 



13 



rity would ropel such an idea with scorn. 
Man is almijihty as nxrards liimself; he can 
build up or demolish his own works. He is 
the architect and the suilerer, and no one 
else has a right to interfere. He i.s the sover- 
eijrn arbiter of himself, unless he chooses to 
relinquish it into the hands of another ; thence- 
forward he is that other's slave and not him- 
self. 

What American would submit to such hu- 
miliation ? Revolutionary blood would have 
boiled with rape. Shall tiicir children prove 
less patriotic, less worthy the precious boon 
of sovereignty ? Dastardly souls may be wil- 
ling to live in subjection to despotism, but 
the child and champion of American inde- 
pendence, never. Liberty, independence, 
and equality are his birthright, and to live in 
the enjoyment of them is his resolution, or 
die in their maintenance. Slave he cannot, 
he will not be. America is the home of lib- 
erty, or the grave of the brave. Let her 
fields be devastated, her hill-sides and bloom- 
ing valleys and verdant meadows laid waste, 
yet not a survivor of revolutionary sires 
will remain to witness her degradation. Let 
all be animated by such a determination, and 
the simoom of war will pass harmlessly over 
our heads. A country with a home is a 
blessing ; but a home without a country, 
none. Shall America and Americans live in 
disgrace ; their fair fame tarnished ; their 
escutcheon made foul by the blot of servitude ? 
O never ! never ! never ! Let empires, king- 
doms, and powers pass away, but let man live 
in glory, and not a shame, a disgrace to 
himself. 

But, says the conservative, shall not govern- 
ment be government ? Shall not the authority 
of the state be maintained in spite of the in- 
surgent minority "? Shall every little town 
in the country set at defiance constituted au- 
thority V The rule of all republi.'s is that 
the minority shall peaceably submit to the 
decision of the majority ; and this was the 
agreement into which we entered at the 
formation of the re[)ublic. It was a com- 
pact solemnly sworn to by all the members 
of the confederation, that the union should 
be perpetual ; that the laws should be faith- 
fully executed : that all attempts to resist, in- 
validate, or make null the decrees of congress 
and the executive shouhl be put down with 
exemplary vengeance. Shall this compact, 
won by the patriotism of martyrs and oi- 
ganized by the wisdom of legislators, be thus 
wantonl}' set aside, and its most solemn ordi- 
nances revoked by a set of unprincipled 
demagogues and aspirants who have neither 
patriotism nor honor ? Nay ; let the richest, 
best blood of the land flow; let her treasure 
be expended ; let all her resources be drawn 



out, in order that the national integrity be 
maintained and insurrection be put down. 
In what holier cause can man engage than 
the upholding of his national integrity, his 
honor, and the well-being of himself and 
family V Has he love for neitht^r his wife, 
children, home, country, himself? Is he di;- 
void of a holy aspiration ? Shall the ruth- 
less hand of the insurgent drive him hence 
from his home, murder his wife, ravish his 
daughters, and consign his litth; children to 
destitution and starvation V The blood of 
humanity boils at the recital of su(di outrages, 
and, [)rovoked, by no aggression, mstigated 
by no act not prompted by the most com- 
mendable fraternity. 

We had lived seventy-six years in the en- 
joyment of innnunities never (ndbre conceded 
to man. The exile and o[)pressed of every 
clime have found a home on our shores, where 
the remaining days of an anxious life could 
find repose, contentment, and peace ; and 
where the tender conscience could exercise 
the holiest functions connate with man ; where 
the toleration of every creed is guaranteed, 
and the liberty to follow any profession tliat 
does not disturb the peace; and hap])iness of 
society ; where the peasant and the prince 
could alike find justice; where the honest 
industry in every department of science, art, 
morals, and j)hiiosophy, could receive their 
reward ; where genius was protected and en- 
couraged ; where all offices of emolument and 
trust were open to merit ; where honest pov- 
erty was rewarded, and dishonest rogues put 
under heel of justice ; where competition was 
o[)en to every aspirant, without distinction of 
caste, person, or sex ; where monopoly, privi- 
lege, and birth were done away. Shall all 
these immunities be wantonly ravished from 
us, after having been sanctioned by the ap- 
probation and jM-aise of three quarters of a 
century, by an aristoc'-atical ftsw who wish lo 
raise upon her ruins the desfiotism of lords 
and birth without regard to merit '? No ; let 
us all. with one accord, die in the defence of 
such institutions, — the best on which the sun 
ever shone, or the genius of man ever de- 
vised. Let us maintain her integrity to the 
last ; let us not prove ungrateful sons of hon- 
ored sires, from whom we received their gift 
as a legacy to be transmitted unimpaired to 
our successors. Let us not be re])roached 
with having prodigally wasted that, which we 
were gla<l to receive, though unable tu hold, 
and, consecpiently, could not becpuath. 

Such nnght be the declamation of con- 
servative patriotism ; «nd it is not to be won- 
dered at. It is not to be expected that men, 
in these days of passion, interest, self-love, 
and pride, would relincjuish, without a strug- 
gle, the prerogatives which they iidierit. 



14 



OUK CRISIS. 



Baniled lopitiniacy fontrbt desperately in the 
beiriiiiiinjj of the nineteenth century for the 
inaintenance of this position. The day of 
Kuropean emancipation has not yet come ; 
hut it is beirinnin^ to dawn in the West. 
These can talk of maintaininjr their riirhts 
by the sword, for it is the only way their 
rijrhts can be niaintaiin'il. But tor demo- 
cratic republican? to talk so is sheer folly; 
for democratic institutions cannot be upheld 
bv the sword. 1'he sword is tlu; symbol of 
t\ranny. not of republimn efpiality. De- 
mocracy is the sovereijiii voice of the ])eople ; 
despotism is upheld by I lie sword. As soon 
as a democracy resorts to the sword for the 
coercion of her members, her liberty is at an 
end, for coercion and ili-mocracy are dia- 
metrically opposite, — n;iy. they are antaj^o- 
nistic. And ajjain, to cocive, power must l)e 
<:iven ; and if we give our power to another, 
we do not hold it ourselves; consecjuently, 
instead of V)einj» strengthened by coercion, 
we are weakened. 

Those who think to uphold democratic in- 
stitutions by the sword are deluding them- 
selves with a fallacious hope. Such an institu- 
tion cannot be upheld bv such means. In- 
stead of arriving at su h an end, the re- 
verse will be the consequence. It will loom 
up unexpectedly before man's astonished 
vision. He will see hi-: error when it is too 
late. He cannot retrare his steps, and bit- 
terlv will he regret his dchision. That will 
be no time tor tears; they would be use- 
lessly shed. 

The wish of the peo])1e is the fundamen- 
tal law of all democracies; and when this is 
invaded, the constitution passes away. By 
resorting to arms, you take from beneath the 
fabric of constitutional lih(^rty the only pro[) 
that sustains it. It make- no difference who 
is the aggressor. Both tiic insurgents and 
regularly constituted autliority will fall vic- 
tims to their own sliort-sightedness. It 
makes no difference who wins or loses, the 
result is the same to both the conquerors and 
the conquered. One is v nupiished by force, 
the other is overwhelmcij in its own victory. 
They are carried away liy the success of 
their own achievements. They become ar- 
rogant and disdainful. Adversity makes 
men ; but prosj)erity mnkes fanatics. 

Very plausible argunuiits can be adduced 
on the side of radicalism, but they are all 
delusise. You may talk of law, order, relig- 
ion, morals, but they have nothing to do with 
force, unless it do tliem all away, and this 
would be the most likc'l\ result — in fact the 
only one. So those who are anticipating 



peace, prosperity, union, concord, and love 
to succeed a state of internal strife, are bask- 
ing in the sunshine of delusion ; for no such 
happy results can follow the use of such un- 
happy means. The radicalist says they 
must and shall be put down at whatever sac- 
riliie of blood and treasure — except his 
own. But the ])fX)r man does not think that 
in putting them down he is going to down 
himself With what resignation could he 
look upon his brother — his fellow-brother, 
joint heirs of revolutionary sires, humbled 
before him ? He sees him prostrate in the 
dust, by whose father's sidi^ his own had 
fought for liberty, independence, and glory. 
Does he hope to live on amicable terms with 
his fallen toe — his brother? Yes, we will 
keep him down with a standing army of five 
or six hundred thousand men. Such is the 
language of deluded patriotism ! How little 
in keeping with constitutional liberty, or 
any other kintl of liberty. Does he expect 
to have his own liberty when he keeps 
down others by the power of the sword ? 
How will he manage it ? Will he hold the 
sword himself? If so, he will have to manu- 
facture more of them, for there are a great 
many who think just as he does. They will 
all have to have a sword. He says he will 
delegate his power to the president. Yes, 
and when he gets the insurgents put down 
and everything all settled with them, he will 
use the same power against his friends. He 
will look down upon his poor, weak, deluded 
followers with contempt for presuming to 
suppose that he, alter having climbed the lad- 
der which they were so deluded to hold, 
would be held in constraint by their wishes. 
The sword they gave him to sway over in- 
surgents, he sways with equal facility over 
themselves. After it is once lost, it can never 
be regained. The best way to hold power 
in the hands of the people is not to give it 
to another ; for few, very few, will discharge 
faithfully so important a trust. Ambition 
and avarice must not enter into his charac- 
teristics. He must be true and faithful, 
not to party, but to his country. Her inter- 
ests and glory must be paramount in his soul. 
No alloy of selfishness must taint his patriot- 
ism. He must be as elevated as if he was 
not himself. Himself and the country must 
be indissolubly linked together. The coun- 
try must be personilicd in himself He must 
be the country. For such virtue it will be 
dillicult to find in these days of degeneracy 
and corruption. Such nmst be a Washing- 
ton — and more, he must be great as well as 
good. 



ARE OUR RESOURCES BETTER DEVELOPKl) l!Y WAR THAN I'KAlE? 



I'J 



CHAPTER IV. 

ARE OUR RESOURCES BETTER DEVEL- 
OPED BY WAR THAN PEACE ? 

Resources are best acquired in peace, but 
they are brought out and developed by war. 
In peace we gain our strength, — in war we 
gain our weakness ; for in peace we irrow 
stronger and stronger every day ; but in war, 
weaker and weaker. Just as a family of 
children are nursed and reared and educa- 
ted, under the peacelul shades of rural re- 
treat, better than in the turmoil of strife. 
They gain nerve and courage rapidly. They 
fear no danger, and they have nothing else 
to do but grow. They are trained in moral 
and intellectual science. But bring up a fam- 
ily in the camp, — I care not how much pains 
are taken with them, they will be boisterous 
and undutiful children. They will have no 
refinement nor morals. As it is with a fami- 
ly so it is with a nation. A nation is but a 
larger collection for a family. What applies 
to one, will to the other. 

A state of peace is above all others to be 
desired, both in the beginning and in the de- 
cline of life. The genius and strategy of the 
mind can be developed and exercised in tu- 
mult and discord, better than in any other 
state. But who would not prefer to be sur- 
rounded in the meridian of life with grateful 
sons and daughters, all peacefully and quiet- 
ly settled around, than with the glittering 
pomp of martial pride ? Man watches the 
bud of infanc)' in delight. lie sees all his 
children grow up to usefulness in life. He 
views the opening flower with wonder and 
praise. He takes pleasure in seeing each 
married and settled comfortably in life ; in 
short, this is the only reward and consolation 
for the an.xious hours of nocturnal watching 
over infantile sickness. While the mother's 
heart throbs with fear, she looks forward to 
brighter days, in the anticipation, that, should 
the life, which now hangs trembling upon a 
thread, be spared, she would see the uncon- 
scious infant raised to manhood, to enter into 
all the social and civil concerns of life, and 
be a blessing to posterity, and a glory to his 
mother; she could then with tranquillity and 
resignation lay down a life devoted so long 
to the welfare and interests of those whom 
she has reared. 

Thus does every family wish to be allowed 
peaceably to pursue those social duties so en- 
dearing and pleasant. With all the members 
of the family gathered round the cheering 
fire ; with no anxiety for the safety of hus- 



band, father, son. tuDthcr orfriend ; with the 
assurance that absint ones are safe in tin- 
loving care of husbiind or wife, — we rest in 
security and coiitcnlnR'nt that no one is ex- 
posed to the vici,-~itu(lcs of weather ov 
chance. That no one is in sickness or trou- 
ble ; that no one is lingering out the slowly 
gliding moments i i want of food or water or 
clothing, with no kind hand to administer 
renieciies, or sootiie the fevered brow, or 
calm the agitation of delirium, — is another 
source of great consolation. Such happy 
thoughts are the rdlections of a family at 
peace. The children grow up robust, h.ilc, 
and hearty. Peacf, [)lenty, and prospcrit}- 
smile around. All <_'!) out and conic in with 
a smile of jo}' lighting up the countenance. 
The young man is encouraged to look in surli 
a family for a bride, and the daughter is li-d 
to hope for the hand of a promising youth. 
Her eye sparkles wiih hope. Her cheeks re- 
flect the gladness of her heart. She is happy. 
The mother rejoices in thus being able to 
present to the favored one the hand of her 
over whom she liis watched with so tender 
regard. She rejoices in the thouglit of hav- 
ing reared her up to habits of industry, I'con- 
omy, and care. She feels assured that he will 
never regret having taken her, the oI)jcrt of 
her love, to be his wile. She, around whom 
so many hopes clusiei-, cannot fail to be ac- 
ceptable to him, seeing that she has surpassed, 
in promise, the most ardent anticipations. 
She cannot fail to please him, after she h<is 
lived thus long without ever once offending 
her. This is peace in domestic and social 
life. 

As a family thrives, so will tlie community, 
or state, for a family is an integral part of 
the state, and the state is made up of innu- 
merable family associations. If one fiimily 
thrives, they all thrive. Their destinies are 
interwoven with each other by marriage ties 
and family connections. One cannot wish 
injury to another without being injured him- 
self. One cannot see another abased without 
feeling ashamed ; so closely is man allied to 
man. Every part of humanity is a part of 
himself if he is human. 

This should be the care of all governments, 
to make families happy. Every means should 
be employed to that end. Nothing should be 
letl untried. This is what government is for ; 
and when this end is not obtained, no one owes 
that government allegiance ; for no one owes 
to himself hostility and hate. No one is un- 
der obligations to maintain himself in trouble. 
Every one will flee from evil as far as possible, 
as from a pestilence, and no one can oblige 
another to stay wheic the blessings of lite and 
the pursuit of happiness are not protected ; 
where the dearest rights of man are not re- 



16 



OUR CRISIS. 



spec-tod, or whore thoy are endanjiered or 
likolv to he taken away. Ho can anticipate 
any such fears by witlnlrawiiifr in time to pre- 
vent the evil. He need not stay till tiie nial- 
adv seize him to be consigned to an untimely 
grave; he can start immediately. 

Man is not bound to (-ontinue that inter- 
course with liis fellow-man, which his con- 
science disapproves ; and as man becomes 
wiser, he will become bettor. His conscience 
will <rrow more tender, and if he cannot adopt 
that selfish [)olicy which nearly all follow, he 
can change the institutions under which he 
lives and form others more in keeping with 
his ideas. Man is not bound by any law to 
f()llow the ordinnaces of others ; but he can 
adopt them if he chooses. If one feels it re- 
pugi ant to morals to pursne an aggrandizing 
course at the sacrifice of tlie interests of an- 
other ; if he cannot sue another at law, and 
take away his substance, without invading the 
dominion of brotherhood ; if he feels that such 
a com-se, instead of advancing man in the 
realm of real worth, abases him, — he has the 
right and liberty to change it to suit himself, 
so far only as he is himself concerned. One 
man, or a set of men, cannot rise up, and 
command a people to receive his or their doc- 
trine as the very emanation of truth itself; 
but he can practise it himself; he can conjure 
others to the adoption of his doctrines. Neither 
can others enforce their peculiar tenets upon 
an unwilling people. Because they have the 
power to enforce obedience does not make it 
right. I have just as much right to knock down 
a man who will not receive my ideas, as an- 
other power has to enforce theirs by the bay- 
onet. A delegated authority has no more 
right than a single individual ; they may have 
more power, but power does not make it right, 
though what is, is. A constituted authority is 
made up of individuals ; each of these indi- 
viduals possesses rights, but no more than any 
other. Delegates can be clothed with the au- 
thority of the delegators ; and this they can 
exercise ; l)ut because they are delegates does 
not invest them with greater rights than they 
from whom it wasreceivetl in their individual 
capacitv. A delegate may have more authori- 
ty, because in him is centred the authority of 
others; but this does not clothe him with more 
right. If I have not a right to kno(;k down 
another, a hundred cannot delegate to me 
that right, because I possessed before as much 
right as any one of them, or all of them ; but 
if they give me authority to act for them, this 
I can discharge for them, as far as they are 
themscdves concerned, and no farther, — unless 
indeed, others are willing U> receive the ordi- 
nan(;es. If I "<> to work ami make them re- 
ceive the decrees, and they do cordially receive 
them, then it is right; but if they are forced 



to the acceptance against their will, and the 
will does not change with the acceptance, then 
it is wrong. Yet that which is, is sometimes 
right, but this is not; it is only the appearance. 
They appear to have received the idea, and 
yet have not. 

Civil and political happiness being so close- 
ly joined together that it is impossible wholly 
to disunite them, — the former being those rela- 
tions and obligations between man and man, 
in his every day walk of life ; the latter be- 
ing our relations and obligations to delegated 
authority. If we agree and live contented 
and happy in our civil life, we, of course, 
would be content to live in the political, and 
obey the injunctions of constituted authority. 
If we are not united by civil ties, we cannot 
be by political ones, except in times of dan- 
ger when the whole fabric is likely to be over- 
thrown by an invading foreign foe, who, with- 
out a shadow of right, but instigated by the 
sordid motives of avariciousness and ambition, 
presumes to devastate our fields and meadows 
and homes because we do not choose to pay 
tribute, and recognize the right of might. 

The happiness of peace is so alluring that 
many prefer hard conditions on which that 
peace can be maintained, to turmoil and 
strife. All the "relations and duties of life 
are discharged with pleasure when we enjoy 
the pleasing hope that our reward will be 
great in domestic happiness. Hei'e is the 
source of all comfort. If we are happy in 
our family circle, we are, or should be, in all 
others. Though I must confess that the care 
and anxiety incident upon the head of a 
family, in providing the means of subsistence, 
is anything but pleasant; yet, as things are 
now organized, this is necessary ; if he has 
the assurance that his wife and children are 
happy and safe, he can pursue his business 
with cheerfulness. If he lay aside all his 
business when he comes in the house, he will 
enjoy all the sweets of a happy family, if it 
be happy ; and, if it is not, it should be ; and 
every family should be allowed the privilege 
of making itself happy, as it is the only boon 
man can enjoy on earth. But this is not the 
point. When man is willing to relinquish all 
the happiness of domestic felicity, and plunge 
into all the horrors of wars, it is demonstra- 
tive that he wants something that he has not 
got, or he wishes to preserve what he has. 
War is the last resort. Every other means 
must fail before he will adopt so rigorous 
an extremity. It embarks a man on a 
boisterous and tempestuous sea, which, at the 
best, can only land him on another shore in 
a shattered condition; and there are ninety- 
nine chaiH'es to one hundred that he will sink. 
The smiles of fortune are treacherous, very 
fickle and delusive, and by none to be relied 



ARE OUR RESOURCES BETTER DEVELOPED BY WAR THAN PEACE ? 



]7 



upon. Even should she be propitious, she is 
then not safe ; for all the attendant calamities 
of war will pursue us at each successive step; 
and a good deal of moderation and judgment 
must be exercised, or we will be overwhelmed 
in arrogance and contempt, which are as 
bad as the most humiliating defeat. Wlien 
a people are driven thus far, to stake their 
all on an issue so precarious, there nmst be 
involved the most vital consetjuences. It 
sliows that they prefer calamities instead of 
blessings; turmoil, instead of peace; the dan- 
ger of having their homes taken from them ; 
their wives and children enslaved ; their cattle 
and substance driven off to the support of 
unhallowed rage, — say nothing of having 
their husbands, brothers, and sons, butchered 
upon the battle-field. When a people come 
to such an extremity, it wei'e wise to stop and 
consider; it is the result of despair and fanati- 
cism, the effects of which are generally seri- 
ously felt. 

All the passions to which humanity is heir 
are then let loose, and man tries to satiate the 
carnal propensities of his nature. He finds 
pleas)) re in perpetrating the most wanton 
cruelties, and, in some cases, the most un- 
heard-of barbarities. Revenge, slaughter, 
and blood are his only gratification. Any 
means that will humble his foe are legitimate; 
nothing can humble him too low; nothing 
can exceed the measure of his revenge ; all 
opposition must be put down, and not a single 
vestige left to proclaim the clemency of the 
conqueror. It would be a mockery to see a 
field undevastated, a house not burned, or to 
see enemies pursuing peaceably the daily avo- 
cations of life ; none must live who will not 
recognize themselves as the humble and obe- 
dient vassals of the conquerors unless they 
■will admit that to him they owe their all, even 
life. Base and unworthy the name of man, 
is that being who can look, without a tear of 
regret, upon such a state of things. The con- 
queror is as much to be pitied as the van- 
quished. Nay, more ; for he could have 
avoided coming to such an extremity, while 
the other could not. In conquering others, 
he has conquered himself; in disgracing 
others, he witnesses his own ; for he and that 
other are brothers, belonging to the same 
human family. Both, though human, have 
made themselves inhuman, — the one in con- 
quering, the other in living to witness it. 
Nothing is more manly than for a man to die 
in the defence of his liberties ; nothing more 
dastanlly than flar himself to recognize, by an 
implied assent, by merely allowing himself to 
live, the right of one man over another. 
" What ! is life so dear as to be purchased by 
the price of chains and slavery V Forbid it, 
almighty God ! " Shall man submit to such 



disgrace, and purchase peace at the sacrifice 
of honor, liberty, — all that is near and 
dear to man ? Better had Hungary bled to 
the last dro]), than to live benealii the shadow 
of despotism. If man has rights worth de- 
fending, let him do it ; if not, belter die than 
stain humanity with the foulest blot. Better, 
if every one on eai-th should bleed, and j)ass 
into nonentity, than that masters and slaves 
should live each in his own degradation. One 
man cannot witness another's humiliation, 
without witnessing his own. So, the very 
moment the South is conquered, the whole 
American nation is: they have conquered 
themselves, they are humbled. Their honor, 
liberty, all, is gone. The shield of their 
majesty is thrown away ; nothing conceals 
their naked deformity from the gaze and 
derision of the world. 

The conqueror exults. The cannon echoes 
the gladsome tones throughout the land. The 
people rejoice, because the enemy is con- 
quered ! in another part of the hemisphere, 
tears of sadness roll down sadder cheeks. The 
old, the young, and the middle-aged send up 
prayers to an avenging God for the calamities 
which have befallen them. The old regret 
that they have lived so long, the young that 
they were born so soon. " O death ! why 
didst thou not come in time to hide this de- 
grading scene from me ? Oh, why was I ush- 
ered into light in time to see my own degra- 
dation ? Unkind fatality ! " 

Such will be the language of the old and 
young. Both will lament the evil which has 
befallen them ; and the concjuerors, if they 
were men, would not rejoice at others' ca- 
lamity. They would not be glad at the 
distress of others, but they would sympathize 
with them, and try to alleviate their suffer- 
ings, and not try to make them worse by 
their making them feel the weight of their 
vengeance. "This is human, — it is brother- 
ly ; the other is inhuman and barbarous. 

A few evenings since, I heard the distant 
booming of cannon. It was in Auburn. 
There the people, delirious with joy, were 
making merry, with the sounding brass, over 
the calamities which were befalling their ene- 
mies. Little did they think it was the sound 
of their own disgrace, for is not the humili- 
ation of defeat sufficiently bitter without 
adding the cup of exultation ? How must 
that cannon sound on the ears of the van- 
(juishetl V Has not man one drop of sympa- 
thy, or one hallowed emotion V Shame to 
man. My heart bleeds at the thought of 
such weakness. How would it sound to 
your ears ? Suppose yourself defeated ; would 
the exultation of the conqueror be joy to 
you ? And such calamititis are just as like- 
ly to befall you as them. Then be wise in 



18 



OUR CRISIS. 



time, and not add disjirace to disroinfiturc ; 
for yon may yoursulf } et drink of tlit^ bitter 
drautjlit whirl) youextrnd witli so mtich j)li>as- 
ure to your fellow. No man can look with 
com])0.suri' and joy upon a fallen antagonist. 

In the first place no man will be an an- 
tagonist ; in the second ])laco, no man can 
make a distinction between antagonists, though 
I had rather see a people tight and die hon- 
orably, than see them live in subjection to 
another; an honorable death is [)referable 
to a dishonorable life. 

Our sympathies are alwajs with the op- 
pressed ; and there would be no oppressed 
if tiiere were no oppressors ; therefore it must 
always b(^ against tlie aggressor that we 
should enlist, not in arms, however, but in the 
moi'al of tlie issue. This, I believe, is the 
best way to o\ crcome evil, — by passive resist- 
ance. This can be resorted to at any time, 
even after active resistance has failed, and it 
is the most sure of winning. If the aggressor 
feels it lii.f duty to oppress byjta.xing, do not 
consume what is ta.xed. No taxes can be en- 
forced it the people are resolved on non-con- 
sumption. The articles which we raise we 
can use. They will support life. Make your 
fabric, if it is taxed, or go without. Better 
exhibit a pure exterior than a servile heart. 
If you are di'afted to support despotism, make 
them carry you ; make them tight for you, 
and, if need be, suffer the ball and chain, rig- 
orous confinement, starvation, and death. 
There is always a noble despair or a glo- 
rious death open before you. Let either l)e 
your choice, you will win like a man or die 
like a hero. Few may suffer, but it could 
not in any case be extended to such dread- 
ful lengths as resistance by the sword. Ev- 
ery martyr that dies is seed cast in a fruitful 
soil, which will eventually vegetate, mature, 
and be harvested in glory. 

See the conqueror marching through his 
vast dominions, receiving the servile adulation 
of his conquered millions. With what pomp 
and pride, he receives their flatteries ! Which 
is the most degraded, the king or the serf? 
But, says one, we must have a government, we 
must have laws, and they must be obeyed ; yes, 
and you will have them at the sacrifice of hon- 
or, of liberty, ofeverything, if you enforce it by 
the sword. If every little petty town can 
jump up and declare itself independent, why, 
we might as well give up, and saj' govcM-nment 
is all a sham, says the despot, and if legiti- 
mate authority ought not to be maintained in 
one instance, it ought not in another. 

This is the truest ileclaration which a tyrant 
ever uttered. I will answer it by using pretty 
near the same words : If legitimate authority 
ought to be maintained in one instance, it 
ought in all others, and the case mav be ex- 



tended everywhere. One party lias as much 
right to bring tiie whole world in subjection 
to itself, as it has to conquer an acre, (iod 
did not deed to a man, nor to a set of men, 
exclusive dominion and jurisdiction ; and one 
man has as much right as another, and one 
nu.nber of men has as much right as another 
of equal number. Neither one has rights ov- 
er the other, whether the numt)er be great or 
small. Man has no rights only over the do- 
minion which he occupies; and this is very 
small say two square feet. If I be willing to 
obey the laws of another, it is all right; but if 
I do not, he has no shadow of right to make me. 

As no good can be the result in going to 
war, let either or neither win, I would ad- 
vise never to go to war. It is better that my 
strength never be exercised, than that I 
should exercise it to my hurt ; and if I do 
not exercise it to my good, it must be to my 
hurt. The result of an act must be good, 
bad, or indifferent, and if I cannot have the 
first, I would rather not have any. 

All admit that man is at liberty to defend 
himself, and wisdom will suggest to him in 
what way he can do this the most effectually. 
If the sword is the only means at our dispos- 
al, use it, and this too, with a vengeance. 
Use it as if j'ou meant to hurt somebody ; but 
if there are other means within our reach 
which will result more efficaciously, then we 
ought to use them. To the rude and unlet- 
tered savage the sword was and is the most 
potent, the easiest grasped, the surest to bring 
about certain results. We will either win 
gloriously, or lose dishonorably : and it is dis- 
honorable to both the belligerents, — for if 
one lose, the other must win ; one must be dis- 
graced, and the other nmst be the cause of 
it ; one must feel the pang of affliction, and 
the other witness it. 

The better way is to keep out of war and 
contentions of every kind ; then 3'ou will not 
be humbled nor see the humiliation of oth- 
ers. If I should choose between the two, it 
would be that 1 might suffer, for I can suffer 
better than I can see the agony of others. 
No man can take delight in, or wish to com- 
pass the ruin of others. 

War will bring out resources and test the 
valor of a people, but the issue can never be 
happy. The strides of genius, the dazzling 
achievements of valor, strike the vulgar im- 
agination with pleasure and astonishment. 
It is with pride we view tlie development of 
a nation's strength. The mighty armies ; the 
terrible fleets spangling the watery domain ; 
the triuinpiis by land and water crowning 
every exertion of American genius and bra- 
very with triumph, we look upon with ap- 
plause. But an ominous cloud hangs over 
the scene. Every victory we achieve, every 



ARK OUR RESOURCES BETTER DEVELOPED BY WAR THAN PEACE 



19 



triumph we celebrate, carries niournin;X and 
revenire to the liearts ofcoiKniered tlioiis inds. 
]\laiiv sons and brothers and husl)ands liave 
been consii^ned to an untimely fjrave ; sul)- 
mission, exile or death awaits the bani>he(l ; 
unhappy tlioujihts to brood over lonjf wiutrv 
nijrhts, wiiile tears moisten our pillows : while 
at the same time another people are rejoieino; 
at our defeat, making merry over our sor- 
rows and atllictions. A people endued with 
love for humanity, cannot thus rejoice. No 
man can be happy while others are misera- 
ble. Pity, rather than joy, would be the 
emotion of a warm and <renerous heart. 

Is it not better that children grow up and 
settle around the old homestead, beneath the 
iuHuence ot" parental love, than that we em- 
bark in a contest which can never, in any 
event, make us hapjjy, but is sure to make 
all miserable V Why enrage the lion merely 
to try our strength, from which contest we 
cannot hope to escape with every limb, if we 
do with lite ! Let him sleep peacefully in 
his lair; but if he comes out and endangers 
the safety and lives of our children, then let 
us devise means for his destruction. Let us 
live in peace as long as we can, and never 
trouble another. Fight in no case unless in- 
vaded ; then try every means to lull to sleep 
the apprehensions of our foe. When every- 
thing fails go to work in earnest and drive 
the intruder from our soil. Overwhelm 
him with dire confusion and destruction. 
Teach him that he cannot trespass on the 
rights of a liberty-loving people with impu- 
nity. As soon as he is satisfied that we are 
a hydra, make peace, and let the .tocsin of 
war be heard no more. As soon as he expe- 
riences the full vengeance of our wrath, he 
will cease to disturb our repose. As we 
■would not be disturbed, so let us not disturb 
others. Let us do to them as we would wish 
them to do to us. Respect others' rights and 
ours will be ; but if we wantonly invade 
others, others can, with the same right, invade 
us. Let us not do injustice to our institu- 
tions. Let us keep alive the principle which 
actuated our forefathers in the formation of 
our constitution. Let us not betray the 
trust confided in us, but let us keep those 
inherent and inalienable prerogatives which 
we have received, and which of right belong 
to every man entire. Let no man ravish 
them from us ; but remember and let us not 
ravish them from ourselves. Let us not pull 
down on our heads the house reared by the 
struggle of patriots, and which is our shield 
to protect us from a foreign loo, to the ruin 
of ourselves and the oblivion of American 
liberty, 

Suppose you succeed in putting the rebels 
down, do you imagine that you have con- 



(picred them when opposition is done away ? 
You have then hardly begun. You cannot 
subdu(! the mind. It will ratd<le in the bos- 
oms of tln'ir childi'cn's chiMren to the third 
and fourth generation. The work of sub- 
during them will have to be done all the 
time. " Well," says one, " then we will keep 
a standing arm v, — we will keep them down at 
any cost, — we must and shall have a govern- 
ment." That will not be a goveriuiicnt ; it 
will be a tyranny. The Re[)ul)lic has ceased. 
IMonarchy, absolutism, or despotism reign, 
and these poor deluded fanatics think they 
will enjoy the sweets of triumph, when they 
will be no other than vassals, syco])hants to 
the power they liave set up. 'i'hey will be 
despised by all, — resj)ecti'd by none. They 
will be looked upon as traitors to their ('oun- 
try, and tht^y will seek to hide themselve.-' 
from the light of day, and the scorn and con- 
tempt of theii- fellows. They will not 
dare to show their faces to the righteous in- 
dignation of offended majesty. They will 
shrink into their hiding-places like a skunk, 
afraid of the approach of virtue and inno- 
cence. 

The party has already erected an aristoc- 
racy ; but they fear it is not yet strong 
enough. So they must scatttT their bonds 
with securities into the ranks of the poor.' 
Strange that these should be so easil)' caught. 
They are the upholders of democratic insti- 
tutions. They are the pillars of all social 
and civil society, and yet they are caught by 
a golden hook. Oh, what principle is that 
which undermines the greatest and the no- 
blest work of man earth has yet known, by 
jewels that only glitter and are valueless. 
Talk of supporting the government! the con- 
stitution ! the liberties of the people ! Who 
supports them ? Not the administration nor 
aristocratical domination nor abolition fanat- 
icism. These are the dire<'t subverters of 
our institutions, of our liberties. The love 
of the slave is a cloak to conceal their inor- 
dinate ambition and uns(ru])ulous avidity. 
While they proclaim the liberty of the black 
slave, they are riveting the shackles of white 
ones. The emanci[)ation of the blacks is 
their ostensible object ; but the establishment 
of themselves in power is the real aim of 
all their endeavors. They care nothing 
for the negro nor their supporters, only that 
the one may be a cloak to their designs, and 
that others may hold it till they get it on ; 
then they will turn round and scourge both 
the negro and the vassal. They who were 
emanci])ated are re-enslaved ; they who 
thought themselves such valuable au.xilia- 
ries in the attainment of an end are told to 
keep at a distance ; we don't want your help 
any longer. They who have been so long 



20 



OUR cursrs. 



courted are now despist'd ; wliose votes were 
solicited with such afl'able words and such 
smiling countenances. Hut the work goes 
on ; we know not where it will end, nor what 
will be the intermediate steps. Time will un- 
ravel the mystery. 

Some are already trying to persuade them- 
eelves that Lincoln is not the head of a ])arty 
but the represensative cliief of a whole peo- 
ple. The case, they think, is the same if he 
conquers one half by the other half. The 
trium])h of a party is tin; triumph of a party. 
Can a country triumph over herself? When 
parties war against each other, it is the wish 
of one party to subdue the other. In such 
triumph the country has nothing to do as an 
active agent; but she feels the wound most 
deeply. She is the victim of partisan ambi- 
tion, and fanatical malice. Parties reek their 
rage against an antagonist, in the vain hope 
that only that one will feel the effects of their 
resentment, while their mother bleeds and dies. 
Some more scru])ulous consciences will con- 
template with horror what their own rashness 
and ignorance perpetrated. They shrink in 
anguish of s|)irit from the contemplation of 
the innnolated victim. Her bleeding, mangled 
remains rise up everywhere before them, to 
accuse them of ingratitude ; for her whom 
they j)rofessed to love they hated, nay, they 
have killed. As they hated their enemies, so 
they now hate themselves ; as they sought 
their life, so they seek their own. Life has 
no pleasures for them. 



CHAPTER V. 

WHAT IS thp: policy of the adminis- 
tration V 

The policy of the administration is to build 
itself up by a military desf)0tism ; and anv 
means to accomplish this result are constitu- 
tional. Every thing which retards or frustrates 
this is treasonable. The policy of the adminis- 
tration and that of the government are dis- 
tinct and independent. Now we will treat of 
the first, ami in another cliapter of the sec- 
ond. 

The administration an- trying to identify 
themselves with the constitution, in order to 
mislead the pco])le. It would not answer for 
them even to attempt what they have already 
accomj)lished, at any other time than the pres- 
ent, in short, war is the time when ;in\- such 
thing could be planned wilh any prol)abilit\- ot 
8uctes,s. The j)eople have been willing, nay, 
in some instances glad, to concede powers for 



the vigorous prosecution of the war, which 
they would not relincjuish under any other 
circumstances. The jjeople are more tena- 
cious of their privileges in time of peace than 
in time of war. The safety of all depends 
upon the issue ; in peace the issue is not dan- 
gerous ; in war it may be fatal, it may not 
only endanger their liberties, but jeopardize 
their lives; therefore war is the time tor par- 
ty aggrandizement. It is then necessary to 
select a faithful and judicious servant in whom 
to confide so important a trust. It is the most 
sacred that can be given to a mortal, — the 
welfivre and happiness of the people ; and it 
is one which should be discharged with the 
most exemplary conscientiousness. Nothing 
tests in so strong a light the moral worth of 
an individual as this. If he accepts of a trust 
he should return it in the same condition ; he 
should lay down authority as he receives it 
unimpaired. This would be more glorious 
than the most selfish achievement over fac- 
tion. When one takes up the power of others, 
he should devote himself entirely to it, Avith a 
perfect oblivion of self He should forget his 
own necessities in his care and anxiet}' of 
others. Should he do this, posterity would 
applaud his patriotism and devotion ; should 
he do the reverse, they would execrate his 
memory with curses. But it is seldom we 
find one so magnanimous and trustworthy ; 
his own interests must be advanced; he loves 
power and authority ; he is ambitious of fame 
and greatness; he seeks the dazzling a])pear- 
ances of splendor. In these he confides and 
hopes to find Contentment. 

Such i^ earthly ambition ; its influence 
taints almost every heart. It is felt in every 
department of life. I would be loth to im- 
pute such motives to the chief, and also to 
the administration itself, if everything did 
not plainly indicate that they are pursuing a 
partisan warfare for power. If they do not 
discharge faithfully the confidence intrusted 
to them, their names will be covered with in- 
famy, if they do, many will be happily disap- 
jjointed. Nothing would surprise me more, 
than to see them voluntarily surrender this 
power at the next presidential campaign, and 
give the people an etjual and fair election; or 
make peace, discharge the armies, and go 
home. But we need not be alarmed ; no such 
blessing will befall us. We have been sold, 
and they have bought us with their corrup- 
tion. 

This has been brought about by circum- 
stances. Money was wanting to prosecute 
th«' war. It is easier to borrow than it is to 
make, and we were so simple as to stake our 
all on an i.-sue which might be our ruin. We 
did not think that that act would bind us to 
the support of the administration whether our 



WHAT IS THE POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATION ? 



21 



liberties were boinjj sacrificod or not. We 
did not think anytliinj; alxmt our prero<;atives. 
Tlitj war absorbed all our attention ; and we 
have been led alonji step by step, the neces- 
sities of the war making us go a little farther, 
till at last we have got so far we cannot re- 
cede without ruin to our fortunes. Our all 
is embarked in a frail skiff, and steered by 
hands that look o .t only for themselves. We 
found we had not power enough, so we thought 
we would embark the class next below us in 
the voyage, so that if we sank we would not 
go down alone. There is nothing like having 
company at such a time. Conseciuently we 
passed a law tendering to the poor certain 
prerogatives ; one was that if they would buy 
a ticket, they might ride with us in the second 
cabin, and their investment would not be lia- 
ble to seizure for debt. They might ride and 
buy up tickets for the whole family, and no 
one could collect a debt of them, only under 
certain circumstances. How such acts are to 
be construed into love for country, it is im- 
possible for some to conceive. We are sorry 
it is as it is. 

Now it is necessary to keep a large army 
ready, not only for the purpose of keeping 
down the opposition, but also lor keeping up 
the party. We know not which would rise 
or fail first, were it not for this farce. The 
opposition, as soon as they saw themselves 
not constrained, would rise ; and the adminis- 
tration, of itself, would sink into utter insig- 
nificance. This is because they rest for their 
support on the terror of the sword, not on 
the justice of their cause. A man, or a set 
of men, conscious of moral worth, .will main- 
tain themselves on their own vantage-ground, 
despising all assistance ; but one, conscious 
of weakness, shrinks from himself to the sup- 
port of the arm of another ; he cannot stand 
alone ; he looks frantically around, if left for 
a moment ; he is racked with alternate hope 
and fear. The necessities of the case will 
therefore require force to keep down the dis- 
affected, and force to keep up themselves. 
The danger is not so much that the insur- 
gents will rise again, as that the friends, those 
who have stuck to the administration during 
the war, will rise up and shake off the op- 
pressive burden which their own rashness im- 
posed. Cut off the insurgent States, give 
them all they ask, so that no fear will coine 
from them ; then, let the administration dis- 
band their armies, and they would not stand 
a day. This would not result because they 
had made peace with the rebels, but be- 
cause they had not the inherent strength to 
support themselves. They look upon such an 
event with the most unpleasant forebodings. 
They will be sure not to bring it about them- 
selves, and they will interpose every obstacle 



to the consummation of such a prr)ject. AVhen 
they get their [)lans all matu-ed, ami the 
whole ])OWer secure in their liaiids, then they 
will make peace, not till then. All overtures in 
that direction now are feints to deceive the 
people into the belief that nothing on their 
])art shall prevent the close of the war. Hut 
should the insurgents concede all that is now 
recpiired of them, a new obst.ncle would be 
presented by another dislujuorabh; demnnd ; 
and, shoulil this be granted, another aiwl 
another will be presented. Nothing could 
induce them to make peace at this juncture. 

Every pretext will be sought to keej) the 
war-spirit u[), and keej) the army on foot. 
When they show no reason for sustaining an 
army, pretexts will not be wanting to sustain 
it elsewhere. The policy of this party has 
always been against France, and in favor of 
England. Jacobin absolutism is inimical to 
aristocratical usurpation ; and with the Eng- 
lish aristocracy they have always nuuiifested 
a deep sympathy ; consequently, it will be war 
with France, and peace with England. This is 
a serious accusation ; but it is one wliich can be 
sufTicientlv substantiated by historical docu- 
ments. In the war of 1812, the federalists 
— and they are in j)ower now — sought every 
means to weaken the hands of the adminis- 
tration, and prevent the successful termina- 
tion of the war. Every measure introduced 
into Congress for a visiorous prosecution of 
the war was obstinately opposed by nearly 
every federal member. Then the parties had 
not assumed their present gcograjjliical posi- 
tion. All New England was. at times, the 
most bitter opponent of the federal parties; 
now they are its most faithful sup[)orters. 
Thev were the opponents of the protective 
system, and the South were its supjjorters. 

The foreign sympathies of the parties are 
the most important. Our internal concerns 
will take care of themselves, if we take care 
of our foreign matters, just as dollars will take 
care of themselves if we take care of the 
cents. We can trace the hostility of the fed- 
eralists to France and friendship for Enjiland 
to the very commencement of our political 
existence. In the convention which assem- 
bled to frame the constitution and organize 
the government, it showed itself to a re- 
markable extent. The federalists were for 
concentrating into the hands of the general 
government all the powers of the State ; 
while the republicans, now the democrats, 
were for limiting the powers of the legisla- 
ture and executive — without, liowever. mak- 
incr them jwwerless — as much as possible. 
They wanted to hold the power in their own 
hands, and dole it out, in cases of necessity, 
to the administration ; while the former wished 
to make it absolute, so as to be able to com- 



22 



OUR CRISIS. 



pel recusant States to do uliat Ihev tlioiiiiht 
was tlieir duty. This is notliinor li'ss tliaii 
constitutional aristocracVi such as that with 
wiiich Eutihmd is now blessed ; anil this 
is observable throutrh the wliole ])eriod of 
our national existence. The re|)ul)ticans 
did. once or twice, touipelled by tlie clamors 
of the people, create a national bank ; but it 
was oftener vetoed, sometimes lost in the 
houses. Nothiuij is more subversive of demo- 
cratic institutions than an or<ranized baidc 
system. It corrupts the public functionaries, 
and identifies the money-class with the ad- 
ministration, which, as we now experience, to 
our cost, destroys the influence of the poj)u- 
lar voice, because the popular voice is never 
in sympathy with the wealthy. (Jne is always 
trying to rise in the world, and the other is 
tryinji to keep him down. One wishes to 
kec]) himself rich, and. to do this, he must 
keep the other ])oor ; for every one cannot be 
rich, and, the richer the i-ich are, the poorer 
the ])oor are. For an illustration of this, look 
at England. There, some own yearly in- 
comes to the amount of SI 00 to S25O,O00, 
wiiile others toil along froui iiaiul to mouth, 
in want of bread and clothes. Jf living ex- 
amples are not sufHcient, we can prove it 
theoretically. For instance: how (ran one 
end of a string exist without the other 'i Who 
Avas poor fifty years ago V A few, very few, 
were perhaps rich ; but no one was called 
poor who had his health, was industrious and 
brave. No one was extremely poor, because 
many were not extremely rich. But now, as 
more have grown rich, many have grown 
poor in the same ratio; and as the rich grow 
richer, the poor grow poorer. If one ex- 
treme exists, the other must; but, if neither 
does, we occupy the mean. Therefore, if 
the poor wish to be ground down as low as 
England's poor are, let them support the 
rich in their assumption of aristocratical maj- 
esty ; but if they wish to enjoy the position 
of human b(;ings, let them tear down this 
f)arty, and place themselves at the head of 
the government. They must either rule or 
suffer ; there is no other alternative. We 
have got to be democratic or aristocratic. 
Choose ye this day whom ye will serve, your 
country and democracy, or aristocracy and 
taction. It may not be too late to restore 
the democracy on a modific(l platft>rm, by 
j)romising tn recognize the existing indcbted- 
nc^ss; for what has been contracted in good 
faith by many wiio did not know the result 
of such an act, and are therefore guiltless of 
any intentional wrong, should be promptly 
met and faithfully paid. 

Tiie administration then are naturally in- 
clined to a war wth France. A pretext is 
not wanting. liordcring on the American 



States is a power too ignorant to govern them- 
selves and too proud to be governed. They 
have changed this government since 1S21 
many times. In this (;ountry, contrary to the 
Monroe doctrine, France has obtained a 
nominal foothold. She has given Mexico a 
king, who must be upheld l)y foreign bayo- 
nets, else he would sink into the marsh. The 
(juestion now is whether there is danger to be 
apprehended f'roui this quarter. Can ]Maxi- 
milian make the people of Mexico French ? 
They to us are foreigners, but not French. 
If France herself were there, there would 
be danger ; but as it is, no a])prehension need 
be entertained. Let them alone, and tliey 
will soon drive him out. They cannot stay 
long under an}' government, even if it be 
their own erecting. And another thing : what 
can we do with him ? Su])pose wt^ go to 
war with them and drive him out ; what then ? 
AV'ill he stay out ? What will hinder him from 
coming again and usurping the sovereignty 
as soon as our backs are turned and we en- 
gaged in some other business of more impor- 
tance than the whole Mexican nation 'i Or 
umst we keep a hundred thousand men in 
arms in order to keej) a people in obedience 
to law who cannot keep themselves so? 
They do not wish our interference ; neither 
would they thank us for our trouble. Sup- 
pose we take them into the Union ; they can 
neither s|)eak our language nor we theirs. 
They would be nothing but a bill of expense 
to us. They are an annoyance to them- 
selves. They can neither appreciate nor re- 
turn a favor. They are a mixed, heteroge- 
neous nation, half barbarous, bigoted, and 
superstitious. Let us not meddle with a peo- 
])le who will neither repay us, nor be blessed 
with our pains. They would neither prove 
useful to us nor to themselves. This time 
has already proved. If they were op])resse<l 
and struggling for fi'eedom, and would im- 
prove it when they had it, why, I should be 
the first for succoring them ; but while they are 
satisfied with their lot, let them alone, espe- 
cially as they ueitlun' have the power nor the 
inclination to trouble us. If the French can 
make anything of them, let them ; it will oidy 
prepare them for a better appreciation of the 
libei'ties whi<;h w(! enjoy, and whicli we 
would not be lotii to extend to them ; as 
soon as they are able to feel such a gift a fa- 
vor, we will give it to them. The French can 
never make them a French nation, if they 
were allowed tlu^ j)eaceable possession of the 
throne, nor bi'cathe into their effeminate 
souls a bi'ave s[)irit. They are what they 
are, and no government, with the means at 
their disposal, can make them otherwise. 
I>eing then what they are, they can be of no 
possible danger to us, and of no [)0ssible ad- 



WHAT IS THE POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATION ? 



23 



vantage to any one. They are a people 
whose interests, passions and sympatliies are 
distinct from ours. Their genius is peculiar 
to themselves, with which no other can amal- 
gamate. They have tried to govern them- 
selves without success. Let them live and 
learn, and be prepared for better times. 
None would view with more delight than my- 
self the annexation of the Mexican nation, 
and it may sometime take place ; but it 
would be the greatest calamity that could be- 
fall us if it should now take place. Let them 
be tutored beneath the chastening rod of af- 
tliction, and they will know somethin"'. Then 
they will appreciate a liberation therefrom, 
and be prej)ared to enter the Union. 

This, then, will be no good excuse for 
keeping up the armies ; for where there is 
nothing to be gained, there may be danger of 
losing all. Let us not risk so precious an in- 
heritance for one so mean. If they are con- 
quered, they win a glorious victory; if we 
be conquered, we lose our all. Tlie i-isks are 
not proportionate; neither would a victory 
over them pay the expense ; we have every- 
thing to lose and nothing to gain in an}' event. 

Some api)rehend that the South will ally 
itself with Mexico. There is no danger of 
any such thing, even should France give her 
assent; for there is no conmion sympathy 
between the two. Of course they are near, 
and it would be easy to unite them if their 
genius was adapted. The British posses- 
sions border on the Polar regions, but they 
do not ap[)rehend any danger of an alliance 
between their colonies and the Esquimaux, 
nor invasion from the Esquimaux. The dan- 
ger on the other side of us is equally as real. 
It is only imnginary in either case, neither 
would it add to tlie glory of our arms to van- 
quish the wliole of them; for in that case we 
could make no distinction between civil and 
foreign enemies. As long as the South strug- 
gle bravely alone, they will have the sympa- 
thy of every patriot, and every true lover of 
liberty. They are aware of this, and I will 
warrant that they will never weaken their 
cause by calling in a toreign foe which can 
only call discomfiture to their arms. 

The policy of the administration on the 
start would have been to give the South as- 
surances that they would be protected in 
their rights and privileges, and there would 
have been no war. But this was not what 
the administration wanted, — they wanted 
war ; for in war they could effect the designs 
they had against slavery, and could reek 
their vengeance against a political enemy 
better than in peace. They would not even 
recognize their commissioners who came to 
get such assurances, because in so doing they 
would tacitly admit that they were an inde- 



pendent nation ; but they must make peace 
with them sometime, and then they will rec- 
ognize them as such any way. So you see 
that they adopted a very puerile excuse for 
not negotiating with them then, and one 
which will not bear, in order to justify 
them, the least examination. That they 
did wrong in thus [)Iunging the country into 
all the horrors of civil wai-, no one will deny. 
That they would have conferred on the 
country the greatest Ijlessings she could en- 
joy, and on themselves imperisherable and 
honorable renown by receiving them with 
gladness, and conceding them all they might 
deem it for their safety to recpiest, no one 
will deny except the deluded fanatic. That 
they could have done this without derogat- 
ing from the majesty of the Republic every 
one will maintain. What they would have 
asked, we can only conjecture ; l)ut they 
could have asked for nothing but what could 
have been conceded ; and what could have 
been conceded, ought to have been, — for 
everything should be done before a nation 
plunges rashly into war. But everything 
the administration refused to do. 

The administration think they are obliged 
by their oath to bring back into the Union all 
recusant members. The oath directed them 
to maintain the integrity of the Union en- 
tire, or, if you please, of the United States. 
Now, what constitutes the United States ? 
All those that choose to remain in the Union, 
and abide by the terms of the contract. 
Yes, this is the Union. We have seen that 
the wish of the people is the law. They 
have the right to make contracts, and to un- 
make them. Consequently, the Union con- 
sists of such ami such States only that choose 
to be so considered. The peo{)le of a terri- 
tory cannot, by right, nor by the terms of 
the constitution, be forced into the Union ; 
and if a territory has the right to choose for 
itself, has not a State, or does a State, by be- 
coming such lose all her rights? This is a 
strange doctrine, and it is one which is not 
admissible by a Republican people. 

Then they were in possession of all tht^ 
forts, arsenals, magazines, and public works 
and buildings of all kinds, at llie time of 
their accession. Certainly. The Union 
consisted of all those States which adhered to 
the terms of the com[)act. Territoi"ies and 
States that had withdrawn their allegiani e, 
stood exactly upon the same footing. The 
territories and states had rights, and they 
had the right to exercise those rights. if 
States have no rights, man has none, neither 
here nor there ; so those who maintain that 
States have no rights after their acceptance of 
the Constitution, are only taking from them- 
selves those inherent and inalieuablc prerog- 



24 



OUR CRISIS. 



atives which are the pride and glory of the 
American name. 

Suppose they had all withdrawn them- 
selves but ^laryland and Virginia, there 
would still have been a Union, and it would 
have extended no further than the limits of 
those States ; and if they had taken an oath, 
on their assumption of the sovereignty, to 
maintain tiie ])roperty of the Union, tiiey 
■would have been under obligation to faith- 
fully discharge 'the duties which they thus 
took upon themselves; neither would there 
be a departure from the letter of that oath 
if they only maintained the property of those 
two States. Those were the only States in 
the Union. They might just as well main- 
tain that their oath obliged them to go to 
Brazil and conquer that State, as to main- 
tain that it obliged them to conquer South 
Carolina. They stand upon an equal foot- 
ins as respects the Union. One they could 
coiujuer just as legitimately as the other. 
They had just as much right over Brazil as 
over South Carolina. Such doctrines dem- 
ocrats must maintain, else they will be main- 
tained by none. Neither aristocracies, nor 
oligarchies, nor monarchies will maintain 
them, I will assure you. 

From the first establishment of the Amer- 
ican Republic a latent tendency toward aris- 
tocracy can be dis( overed in the federal 
party ;" and this party, as we before observed, 
is now represented by the republican or ab- 
olition party. They are ready to ally them- 
selves to any and every power which has 
anv sympathy witli their own pretensions. It 
is their wish to build up just such an institu- 
tion as now exists in England. They would 
reduce the States to mere provinces, shorn 
ot all power, dignity and regard, thereby 
concentrating into themselves all the resour- 
ces of the American State. They would 
bring the people into subserviency to their 
will, making them vassals of absolutism. 
The sooner the people discover this truth, 
the easier will it be for them to check the 
designs of the administration against their 
liberties, and finally to subvert all their plans 
of selfish aggrandisement. Should the peo- 
ple rise as one man and proclaim the integ- 
rity of American institutions, all the evils re- 
suiting from a concentration of power in the 
hinds of a few would be avoided; but we 
cannot hope for anything so good, and one 
which woulil i)rove so beneficial h) the peo- 
ple. When a f)eople begin to decline, they 
go with such vengeance that no fmite power 
can stay them. Nothing siiort of a miracu- 
lous interposition of I'idviilence can help us; 
for the way to destruction is easy and gen- 
tle, but tiie way to salvation is dillicult and 
bard. 



This is why so many sympathized with 
England during the war of 1812; and there 
was no one, but those who favored the views 
of the present administration, that were op- 
posed to it; and these were. opposed to it only 
because they sympathized with England's 
aristocracy. They did not wish to war 
against what they sought to establish. Eng- 
lish institutions they loved, and they were 
endeavoring to transplant them on Ameri- 
can soil. For this end they have labored 
during the whole existence of our democra- 
cy ; and now, with the power in their hands, 
they will accomplish much. They will not 
fight against England, nor English institu- 
tions. It matters not what the provocation 
may be, it will never be suOicient, in their 
minds, to take up arms. The national honor 
may be insulted with impunity, as it was in 
the case of the Chesapeake, and they will be its 
apologists. They are allied together in sym- 
pathy and interest, and anything that each 
may do will be applauded by the other. The 
cause of one is the cause of both. They will 
stand or fall together. So long as England 
maintains herself in present power, so long 
she will find a faithful friend and ally in the 
present administration, or those who support 
it. 

Should the Canadian Provinces revolt 
and appeal to young America for help, I 
have not the least scruple in affirming that 
the administration would be inclined, if it did 
not really help to put down the insurgents. 
Abundant pretences will be adduced to show 
the necessity of a war with France, and at 
the same time peace with England. Some 
excuse will be sought for keeping the army 
on foot ; but it will not be for the emancipa- 
tion of the Canadian Provinces. They may 
struggle and die within sight and hearing of 
American liberty ; still stringent orders will 
be enforced for the su])j)ressment of every 
attemi)t tending to help the bleeding patri- 
ots. However nuich the people may wish to 
be avenged on the haughty mistress of the 
ocean, still they will not be allowed to hum- 
ble again that proud toe, by the masters they 
themselves have set up. The groans of 
thousands may come on the midnight air 
across the stream which divides constitution- 
al liberty from usurped despotism; but they 
will tall on ears deaf to that martial sound. 
We who once so gloriously fought, bled, and 
conquered tor tliat same inestimable boon, 
and against the same foe, prove oursi'lves 
ingrates to the memory of our fathers, by 
not cherishing the same patriotic love for Hb- 
ertyand indeitendei.ee tor which they fought, 
and tiie same uncoiKjuerable animosity 
against their foe. We, by loving their ene- 
mies, and aiding them by our sympathy and 



WHAT IS THE POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATION ? 



25 



countenance, say that their lovo of liberty 
wast'alse, and their patriotism selfi-ih. They 
fought for liberty and iadependonce, and 
these we are wantonly tlirowinoj awav, by 
refusing to aid others in the attainment of 
like privileges and immunities. 

We sought aid of a foreign friend and ob- 
tained it ; they will seek it of a neighbor 
and not get it, and of her who of all oth- 
ers should be the last to refuse it. We 
would liave thought it hard could we not 
have obtained the succor which carrieil us 
triumphantly through our struggle. What 
will the Canadians think when they come to 
us as we went to the French and ask us for 
that wliich we were not ashamed then to so- 
licit, and this too against the same foe ? 
What answer shall we return ? How shall 
■we look and act in the presence of patriots V 
"We who received, and proved ourselves un- 
able to hold the dearest blessings ever trans- 
mitted to posterity. It remains for us to pre- 
vent the adjustment of such a yoke. We 
should strive to retain possession of our- 
selves so that we may act as our consciences 
may dictate, and not tremble in subserviency 
to a power hostile to our interests, and inimi- 
cal to our institutions. Such is the policy of 
the administration. We will now show what 
is the policy of the government. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATIOX. 

The policy of our government is to keep 
alive the spirit of our ancient institutions. 
The rights and sovereignty of states should 
be respected. Peace and amity should reign 
among us. Every political dilference should 
be settled by conciliation on the part of one, 
and peaceful acquiescence to just and rea- 
sonable terms on the part of the other. 
Every partisan consideration should be sac- 
rificed for the purpose of maintaining peace 
among ourselves; and this is the only way 
that republican institutions can be sustained. 
If you go to war on a political issue, and 
subjugate a state, the republic is at an end ; 
for the very name of a republic is synony- 
mous of individual and state sovereignty ; if 
states have no rights, individuals have none; 
and in democracies the popular voice is the 
law of the land. The popular voice is dem- 
ocratic — it is the prop of our institutions, 
take it away and the whole falls to the 
ground. 

But how, it may be asked, can popular in- 
stitutions be maintained entire V One por- 



tion of the state may be an agricultural dis- 
trict ; anotlier a m inufartnring dislrict. It 
may be for the manufacturing interest to 
have a jjrotective tarilF, and it may be for 
the agricultural interc^sts to have none, or, at 
least a very small tariff. How are these 
interests to be reconciled V If regulations 
did not interfere it could be so arranged that 
an agricultural portion of a stati; ni-cd not 
beggar itself to enrich another portion. It is 
not right that a part of a whole starve itself, 
to feed another to surfeity. A tariif is fi:)r 
the protection of a state against foreign com- 
petition, and not that one [)ortion of a state 
may enrich itself at the expense of another. 
If regulations prevent the judicious adjust- 
ment of such issues, they should be modified 
or repealed. Ttie end of a protective sys- 
tem is attained when foreigners are preven- 
ted from introducing their faln-ics ; it is not 
designed to protect one portion of a state 
and impoverish another; therefore such arti- 
cles as are manufactured and are re'juired 
by a state should be left free, or nearly so, of 
duty at ports within the state ; but let for- 
eign commodities be excluded by a rigorous 
tariff. Duties should be uniform throughout 
a state, so that one jwrtion of the people 
will not pay more for certain articles than 
another ; neither should foreign powers be 
allowed to come in with as good an article, 
and undersell us because of their ciieaper 
labor. Such conflicting interests can some 
way or another be reconciled without pro- 
ceeding to extremities. If the constitution 
conflicts, change it. No people have a right 
to prescribe conditions on which future gen- 
erations shall associate, nor on what terms 
they shall trade. The same right that one 
people assumes, should, and must be conce- 
ded to another — that of legislating for them- 
selves. How can one generation anticipate 
the wants and necessities of another. Such 
presumption on the part of another should 
be repelled ; any one may advise, but let no 
one command. 

The constitutional objections which many 
have made to salutary and beneficial laws 
are puerile ; and these oVijections are oftener 
dictated by policy than by any intrinsic un- 
usefulness. Measures have from time to time 
been recommended to Congress, which were 
very necessary for the further development 
of our resources, against which, though many 
might think them needful, the hue-and-cry 
would be raised, uxconstitutioxal ! The 
spirit of opposition seems to be connatural 
with Democracy. This is right enough, as far 
as I know ; but it need not shelter itself 
under such a mask. Let not demagoguism 
be concealed under pretended devotion to 
country. If a measure be objectionable, op- 



26 



OrR CRISIS. 



pose it on the strerifrth of that objeotion ; not 
bt'cause some one else forgot to insert a pro- 
vision for its ailoption. 

I can see no reason Tyhj' a Republic can- 
not be maintained. True, the people must 
be "wise and discreet in order to organize 
one ; then they must always continue so. 
Every difliculty nuist be settled by peaceful ar- 
bitration or convention. An ajipeal to arms 
must, imder no circumstances, be resorted to. 
Iso provocation should be sufficient to induce a 
democratic peojile to arm against themselves. 
The moment they appeal to the sword ends the 
Kci)ublic. The .sword is the syml)ol of tv- 
rants ; while reason is the fountain of de- 
mocracy. If you unthrone reason and let 
passion reign, mob-violence and terrorism 
])revail. These are tlie scourge of society, 
and the bane of human happiness ; effects the 
reverse of all governments are felt. 

But Democracies, and, in fact, all govern- 
ments, have never been permanent. Some 
latent defect exists. In the bosom of the com- 
monwealth a viper is nourished which con- 
tinually gnaws at the vitals of the institution. 
It remains for future legislators to discover 
and eradicate the evil. I think it is selfish- 
ness, and)ition, pride and envy. "When these 
arc removed, wars will cease, and govern- 
ments will be permanent. A\ hether people 
can be wise and selfish and envious, is not 
for me, in this place, to determine. This, 
however, I will say, that a selfish people are 
not capable of self-government ; for where 
all are ambitious of ruling, none can, accord- 
ing to the strict letter of democracy. A man 
must rule for the people, not for himself. He 
must deem his interest as secondary ; and 
tliis is not the policy of selfish men. These 
wish to get a large slice for themselves, and, 
■where all are grabbing for self, there is 
no room for the people. 

The eyes of the world have been upon the 
American Republic from her inauguration to 
the present time. Some prognosticated it a 
failure, and thought the people incompetent 
to rule themselves. But time has demon- 
strated it to be a fact, that, in the early ages 
of a connnonwealth, people are more virtu- 
ous and disinterested, and, therefore, more 
cai)able of governing themselves than suc- 
ceeding generations. The cause of this de- 
cline in morals is owing to the prosperous 
condition of our finances. Could the people 
always remain poor, they would remain vir- 
tuous. But wealth, in general, is incompati- 
ble with strict integrity 5 and, as a people 
advances in prosperity, they decline in moral 
worth. If a people could fje as wise in pros- 
perity as tliey are brave in adversity, there 
would be no diMiridty in maintaining demo- 
cratic institutions ; but to bear up with forti- 



tude in adversity, and to be moderate in pros- 
perity, are virtues which but few possess ; 
and to ask a whole nation to endue itself 
with such philosojihy is rather too much ; at 
h-ast, without more teaching and preparation. 
It may not be impossible, but still it is im- 
practicable as the public mind is now consti- 
tuted. Whether we would be happier under 
a difierent organization, — one more demo- 
cratic, — is very obvious. But we are not 
to tell what government is the best, but what 
is the policy of our own. 

Onr foreign j)olicy should be mild and con- 
ciliatory ; ever ready to redress grievances, 
and the last to provoke aggression. We 
should stand on our own vantage-ground, se- 
cure within ourselves, giving an asylum to 
the oppressed of every cHme, extending the 
benefits of hospitality to all who may by 
chance or pleasure throw themselves upon 
our generosity, giving aid and comfort to 
the down-trodden, liberating the civilly bound 
and the politically oppressed, and by heeding 
every solicitation tending to the establish- 
ment of institutions similar to our own. But 
we should not sow the seeds of dissension 
among a peaceful people ; if they, like our- 
selves, wish to become free, we should do to 
them as we were pleased to have France do 
to us. 

If the Canadian provinces revolt, and strug- 
gle manfully for a time, we should, if they 
seek our assistance, give it ; and if they wish 
to enter the Union, we should allow it upon 
such terms as the contracting parties may 
engage ; but because we assisted them in the 
ac<|uisition of liberty and independence, even 
if it be known that it was mainly through 
our instrumentality that they acquired it, we 
should not for this reason force them to the 
acceptance of our institutions. This would 
not only be unjust, but unwise. We would 
be doing violence to our own principles in 
thus coercing a reluctant State ; and it would 
be no more unjust in trying to coerce the 
Canadians, than it is in coercing a member 
of the Federal Union. The cases are an- 
alogous in ])rinci[)le, if not in fact. If a State 
has the right to accept, she has the right to 
reject ; and if she has the right to reject at 
one time, she has the right to reject at any 
other. Time does not destroy ])rincij)le ; it 
is the same now that it ever was, and always 
will be as it is. Generations may come and 
go; seasons may roll on indefinitely, but 
principle remains unchanged forever. 

If any Stale across the Atlantic desires 
liberty and independence, we should give 
them our sympathy if not aid ; although we 
should not cnileavor to corrupt the alii'giance 
of faithful subjects. As long as they are 
happy, and willing to live in bondage and 



ARE OUR RESOURCES BETTER DEVELOPED BY WAR THAN PEACE ? 27 



subjootion, we should consent; but as soon 
as tliey find the yoke oppressive, and tliey 
Ions; for a more jienial air, we should rush 
to them with the alacrity of brothers ready 
and willing to bleed and die in their de- 
fence. Though there may be many moral 
objections against fighting, yet there are as 
many against slavery ; and, of the two, I 
think slaver)' is the worst. It is better for a 
man to die, if he cannot live an honor to the 
race ; and what is more dishonorable than to 
see a man crouch beneath a tyrant's rod V 
I had rather see him buried. 1 had rather 
see a generation annihilated, than to see it 
tremble In servile vassalage to the nod of a 
despot. As long as tyrants and oligarchies 
rule, there will be war. These are the cause 
of war; when they die, war will be no more. 
When men cease to oppress their fellow- 
beings, then both the cause and the effect 
will be removed. So it is useless to talk of 
doing away with war till the cause of it be 
removed. War is the lesser evil. 

AVe can therefore hope for no alleviation 
of this dreadful scourge, till its cause is 
done away. These two prinuiplcs ai'e at war 
in the European and Asiatic worlds, aris- 
tocracy and democracy ; and they are at 
war among themselves. One wishes to rear 
up an aristocracy on African servitude ; 
the other, on the servitude of the white 
man. One would give no compensation, 
and the other a paltry amount, barely suf- 
ficient to keep the laborer alive. Such an 
aristocracy is experienced, in all its horrors, 
on the British Islands. Democracy is but 
faintly represented on the American shores; 
but, in Europe, there is a strong democratic 
element, and which is to have the mastery 
time only can solve. Absolute subjection or 
absolute freedom is the des*^iny of the world. 
Cossack tyranny or constitutional liberty. 
Man must obey the voice of a despot or 
legislate for himself What an alternative 
awaits us; nay, the world. AVhat a drama 
is enacting ! We tremble for man ! We 
would glory in his emancipation. Let us 
live and hope that all will be for the best. 
How anxiously shall we look for the consum- 
mation of the issue. Life is sweeter by wish- 
ing to see the result. 

In regard to the issue now being decided 
by an appeal to arms, something more, per- 
haps, might be said with propriety. Whether 
it could have been settled peaceably, at the 
present crisis, is only conjectural. In the early 
a<res of our commonwealth no such agitation 
would have disturbed the public mind. But 
now the people love exr^itement ; all partici- 
pate in it with glee and ardor ; it is nourish- 
ment for the mind, and recreation lor the 
body. What people desire, that, perhaps. 



they ought to have. If they hail been in- 
clineil to coiiciliatii and compromise with tlio 
South, there would iiave Ix-cn no dillii-ulty. 
Many in the S(jutli ami North ho[)ed that 
some amicable arrangement would be a<lof)t- 
ed for the peaceable aijjustment of our dilH- 
culties. Every lovt^r of his country could not 
but deplore tiie unhappy condition of our 
political relations. 

Hut how could the issue be peacefully 
settled, some may ask. I answer, by let- 
ting the subject alone in the States, and 
by leaving the ])eople of the Territories to 
adopt such constitutions as they might choose. 
But the Northern fanatic says there is a 
hiilher law to be obeyed. What have higher 
laws to do with finite ones V Do not talk of 
higher laws, when yourselves are guilty 
of enacting lower ones. It does not be- 
come fanatics and amititious demagogues 
to talk of morals, or the decrees of Omnipo- 
tence. Perfect yourselves, before you en- 
deavor to perfect others. While such a spirit 
exists, it is useless to talk of compromise. 
People, wild with frenzy cannot reason; they 
must be taught by experience the error of 
which they have been guilty. 

A line straight through to the Pacific could 
have been drawn, north of which could have 
been free, and south of it, slave. But whether 
the people would have lived more happily 
with freedom and slavery united, is not for 
us in this treatise to determine. It is impos- 
sible for two hostile elements to exist in the 
same place, at the same time, in peace, and 
the South, acting upon this axiom, would 
have adopted such measures as would gradu- 
ally have rid the country of the baneful evil. 
If I recollect right, measures were being 
taken for this purpose when the anti-slavery 
pestilence broke out. Man is very much like 
a hog ; he must not be urged. If they had 
been let alone, more would have been ac- 
complished towards the emancipation of the 
slaves than will be now. Now they will only 
change their masters, with perhaps a paltry 
compensation, but they will be just as much 
slaves as they ever were ; perhaps, more the 
objects of speculation and gain. 

We are not discussing the moral of the in- 
stitution, but simj)ly the policy of our govern- 
ment. Slavery, in every form, is wrong ; 
but I contend that the country is exchanging 
a lesser for a greater evil. Instead of four 
millions of slaves, we will have thirty ; and 
they will be increased in the ratio of our 
population. When any people have gone 
to such a length, war is inevitable. But this 
is not an excuse ; we should have remained 
at peace among ourselves. This was our 
policy. The doom which awaits us remains 
to be experienced. Few arc so wise as to be 



28 



OUR CRISIS. 



lieve, even should it be told, before the actual 
consummation of the tragedy. 

It would have been better policy to let the 
states <ro than by nullifying the fundamental 
principle of the constitution by coercing 
them into obedience. To have se])arated 
■would have been the lesser evil. Tlien we 
might enact such laws as we saw fit, and they 
might do the same. It would soon have 
been evident to all that it would be more 
ditlicult to maintain amicable relations be- 
tween independent states, than when united. 
Our foreign intercouj'se would be doubly 
expensive. All the inconvenience arising 
from such a state of things would be mani- 
fest to all ; and all would hasten with alacri- 
ty to join their counsels in friendh- blending; 
and they would surround themselves with 
new securities, thereby strengthening demo- 
cratic principles, instead of weakening them. 
Tlie Union would derive more glory from 
such a return to the bosom of the federal 
compact, than it is jiossible to acquire in any 
other way ; it would be founded in wisdom, 
justice and truth ; all would glory in the 
event. 

Now it will be different. One part must 
be subdued, and brought by the force of 
might to acquiesce in the will of the stronger. 
This one will not be satisfied. U'lie memory 
of defeat will always rankle in their bosoms; 
and this never will be eradicated as long, at 
least, as such a state of things lasts. Might 



cannot always prevail ; and when they find 
the rigor of constraint lessened, they will 
rise and vindicate their supremacj'. They 
will yet be free, and so will every man. 

The whole Korth American Continent is 
too large to be controlled by one govern- 
ment. There should then be one govern- 
ment at the north, and one at the south. 
Let those states that wish to go with tlie south, 
go ; and those that wish to stay with the 
north, stay, and let the south have Washing- 
ton ; and let the north rear one, rivalling 
Constantinople, somewhere near the great 
lakes. Tliei-e is no use of fighting in order 
to hold together reluctant stales; it cannot 
be done. The great Koman Empire could 
not be held together by force. The frag- 
ments will fall ofi" one by one in spite of 
arms. Then why destroy your sons, and ex- 
pend your treasure in a useless contest? Be 
more wise and considerate. You may tri- 
umph for the moment, so did Ca;sar. You 
may display your greatness, so did Caesar ; 
but whcie now is Ca?sar, and Rome's great- 
ness ? Where is her empire? Where is 
the respect she once inspired ? Do you wish 
to follow her foot steps? Goon. Do you 
wish to rise like her that you may fall like 
her? Do you wish to make} our glory so 
manifest that your shame ca nnot cover it ? 
If so, pui-sue the path you are on ; it will 
lead to an oblivious grave. 

March 20, 1865. 



APPENDIX. 



Since the foregoing -was written, great and 
important changes have come to pass. A 
few short months have solved a world of mys- 
tery. The j-ebel army has been defeated, 
and is now disbanded. The chief of the in- 
surgent states is in confinement, awaitin<f liis 
doom at the bar of his country. The cliicf 
of constitutional auti)07'ity has already met 
his at the hands of a foul murderer. Presi- 
dent Johnson has been inaugurated as chief 
of the American Republic. Measures are 
being taken for the re-adjustment of our na- 
tional difficulties. Disfranchisement of the 
insurrectionists is one of the schemes of abo- 
litionists ; and negro suffrage another ; mis- 
cegenation another fanatical illustration of a 
disordered intellect. 

These subjects seem to demand more than 
a passing notice in this place ; and, on ac- 
count of the importance of the issues in- 
volved, I have resolved to append a few 
paragraphs to this pamphlet beibre sending 
it to press. 

PREFACE. 

It will be observed that it is written in de- 
fence of secession, or the rights of states, or 
individual sovereignty ; that the right of se- 
cession has already been negatived by the 
bayonet ; and that many propositions which 
I have advanced have also proved untrue 
thus far. In regard of this I will say first 
in this place, what I said before, that might 
is sometimes right, but not always. But 
might cannot decide the abstract right or 
wrong of an idea; and if it does, it only pre- 
sumes, and is only apparent. Right is right, 
whatever the voice of man may pronounce ; 
or the hand of man execute. In regard to 
that proposition which declares the necessity 
of keeping a standing army in order to hold 
the conquered provinces in subjection, just 
imbitter the pangs of defeat by adding the 
reproach of weakness, lack of bravery, in- 
gratitude to country, home, and family, and 
you will see how quick the eye will flash with 
indignation, and the lips curl with rage. 
The fanatic says let them ; they cannot help 
themselves ; they must submit ; live under 
the yoke, and groan. Say not io, my delu- 



ded friend. " He that conquers flie body 
subdues but lialf his toe." Americans are 
not Hungarians, nor Poles who are now 
groaning in just such sla\cry to which abo- 
lition (icmagotruism would reduce a moiety of 
the American jjcople. ]f a miraculous inter- 
position of Providence had not at this tmie 
manitcstcd itself, I know not what would 
have befallen us. This, you recollect, I said 
would save us. 

prksident's assassination. 

But was the assassination of the President 
a miraculous intervention ? I think it was ; 
had it not been, it would not have been com- 
mitted. What end God wished to bring 
about by bringing svich a calamiry upon us, 
is not for me to determine. Nor should we 
call that a calamity which God chooses to in- 
flict. It might have been a blessing, but 
how ? Would he not have settled our dif- 
ferences as successfully as President Johnson ? 
W^as he not as wise and prudent a statesman 
as Johnson ? W'ould he not have received 
the vanquished enemy with the same clem- 
ency and forgiving mercy ? His course, 
judging by past examples, would have been 
to advance the intei'csts of the country, and 
not to pursue with revengeful malice the en- 
emies of his party. AVhether we are blessed 
by the change of masters, or by his tragical 
and lamentable death, is a question which 
can now never be solved. 1'hcre is only 
one issue before us — his death. AVhat he 
would have done, had he lived, can now be 
only conjectured. Tiiat he was the best 
friend the enemy had is conceded by all. 
Then it must be that we are blessed more by 
his death than we would have been by his 
life ; lor God surely would choose the most 
efficacious means to effect a given end ; and 
God's ends are good, consequently it was 
good that Lincoln was thus cruelly dispatched. 
It is hard to reconcile ourselves to such a 
conclusion. To think it better that such a 
good man, such a disinterested statesman 
should be taken from us, and we left alone to 
find our way through such a troubled world 
amidst toils and difficulties ioDumerabie, is 



30 



OUR CRISIS. 



impossible to reconcile with our stricken 
hearts. We are overwljchncil witli jrriet' and 
sorrow ; yet we find consolation in the thoui^ht 
that God's eye saw it, and His over-ruling 
providence dn-ected it. 

IMMODKKATE EXULTATIOX. 

The armies of the Union were fast encir- 
clinjf the heroic band in their defence of the 
shattered remnants of the insurgents' strength. 
One after another fell into the meshes of mil- 
itary strategy ; and soon, it was rumored, the 
hydra must succumb to the repeated assaults 
of our army. The bells began to ring, and 
the cannon to echo forth the joyous sound 
of victory. The jieople wci"e delirious with 
joy. They met but to congratulate each 
other on the happy termination of interne- 
cine strife. Shouts of joy and prayers of 
thanksgiving ascended together to the throne 
of a righteous Judge. Ilymns of praise and 
the glad hosanna resounded through the 
land. God could but look down upon such a 
scene with indignant pity. Man was tri- 
umphing over his fellow-man, and rejoicing 
in his fall. lie saw a great people, intelli- 
gent, brave and magnanimous, rejoicing over 
their own discomfiture and ruin. 

EXECRATION OF THE MURDERER. 

What could He do to bring them to a 
sense of their error, and set them in the path 
of duty ? He had not to consider long. 
The chief is mortal, and at His disposal. 
Him, as the idol of the immoderately joyous 
people, He resolves to strike down. There 
was not another individual in the United 
States, no, nor in the world, whom he could 
remove and afflict the people so deeply. He 
was the corner stone of the nation ; to re- 
move him would wound them in the most 
sensitive, yet not fatal part. In a moment, 
in a twinkling, when all is buoyant with the 
happiest anti(Mpa1ions, when joy and mirth 
reign supreme, when not a thought of dan- 
ger disturbed sleeping millions, the fatal blow 
was struck. First, the rumor (lashed through 
the land, but none believed. Humanity was 
shocked. Alen stood appalled in horror. 
Next came the confirmation with particulars. 
Some believed ; many discredited ; and many 
hoped the next telegraph would give a dif- 
ferent report — one at least mitigating the 
dreadful calamity. It could not be fatal. 
He still lives. No, no, I will not credit it; it 
cannot be. The President dead — struck 
down in the bo.-om of his family by a fell and 
murderous attack of a man ! O, ungrateful 
wretch ! Foul blot on America's noble, 
and heretofore, untarnished escutcheon. He 



was the chief of the people ; the father, as it 
were, of a great family. He reposed im- 
plicit confidence in each member thereof. 
He thought none so brutal and traitorous as 
to plunge a dagger into his heart. He who 
had wronged no one as the representative of 
the peoi)le, in the discharge of delegated au- 
thority, is struck down, and in a few hours is 
dead. Without the least thought, or appre- 
hension of danger, he is launched into the 
presence of an avenging God. Not a mo- 
ment is given him to consider his end. He 
was shot in the head while viewing a theatri- 
cal scene. 

EULOGY ON PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

Thus perished the chief of a great Repub- 
lic. It is the first instance of the kind that 
has occurred in our history. Some have died 
while in the discharge of executive duties on 
beds of sickness ; but none of them were 
thus tragically dispatched. The people were 
never before plunged so deep in corruption 
as to take the life of the chief magistrate.. 
It has learned us a lesson which I hope we 
will profit by, and never again to engage in 
such a strife, sure to bring with it such ca- 
lamities. It demonstrates that war breeds 
war, as like begets like, and that those who 
favor strife and bloodshed will, sooner or la- 
ter, be made to feel its effects. The strife is 
not ended yet ; though a good deal depends 
on the measures adopted by the executive. 
If these be stringent, severe, and exemplary, 
you may rest assured that the reign of terror 
is not yet begun ; but it would be sure to 
succeed such steps as fanatics would take ; for 
the same weapons of sanguinary vengeance 
can be wielded by the defeated party, almost 
as successfully as they can by constituted au- 
thoiities ; and this, I think, would be right. It 
is right that the same means which are adojited 
to re-organize civil authority, should recoil ui> 
on itself. This is to be expected. It behooves 
the administration to be lenient, merciful, and 
just ; and, if we should judge from p;ist meas- 
ures, this is the course which it will pursue. 
If the enemy be so ungrateful as not to recip- 
rocate such treatment, then theirs will be the 
punishment, not ours. 

There is another fact to be noticed as a re- 
sult from this mournful tragedy. It is this: 
The nation was in a paroxysm of joy. The 
banners floated proudly out in the breeze, 
decorated with emblems of national triumph. 
Bands of music pealed forth national airs. 
All was redolent with joy. In a moment an 
ominous silence pervades. The music ceas- 
es. The bells are hushed; and the cannon 
no longer sends forth its cheering accents 
far and wide. The flag, so shortly before 



OUR CRISIS. 



31 



"-en wavinjr in all tlie splendor of nationnl 
glory, droops and falls halt' way to tlie ground, 
as if shorn of its strength. Faintly it tlut- 
ters in the chilly air, its majesty hidden by 
the bordering crape. 

But -what V -what does all this mean ? 
I'he Premlent is dead!! An audible mur- 
mur is the only response. The nation weej^s 
such tears as never before were shed upon 
American soil. Faction is hushed up and 
from all parts of the land the same feelings 
are manifested. All drop a tear of regret 
upon the grave of the departed martyr, and 
execrate the perpetrators of the fiendish act. 
Friend and foe ; freeman and serf alike be- 
wail his end. Dastardly is that wretch, who, 
from partisan motives, fails to lament such a 
catastrophe. Every one should lament it 
for two reasons, first : he should regret that 
the nation has become so corrupt as in it to 
find one mean and depraved enough to com- 
mit such a fiendish crime; and secondly: he 
shouhl lament that such an object should be 
chosen on whom to wreak such ferocious 
vengeance — one the least guilty of all the 
nation. He was only doing the will of the 
people ; he was their servant, and yet their 
head. He was in the discharge of legitimate 
authority. It was not his own doing, but the 
doings of the people. It was not his own 
will, but theirs. He was not the cause of 
the calamities which Avere being visited upon 
the people ; they were the cause of their 
own suffering ; they were inflicting on them- 
selves the chastening rod. If he would Tiot 
consent to serve in that capacity, others could 
be found sufficiently brave to take upon them- 
selves the discharge of those duties which 
appertain to the executive. Should a man 
be thus foully murdered for committing no 
crime, save that of being the chosen chief of a 
great people? Should he suffer for the er- 
rors of which the people are guilty ? Should 
he be punished for their transgressions V 
Could he take upon himself the sins of the 
people and expiate them by yielding up his 
life? 

If such were the end and duty of presi- 
dents, few would be the aspirants for a mar- 
tyr's grave. The office would not be one 
which ambition would seek, but to which 
cul[)rits would be condemned. No haste nor 
solicitation would be manifested. There 
would be no anxiety to know the result of 
the elections. There wouhl be no lingering 
at the polls at night to learn the exact truth. 
If the one must go who has the most friends, 
he could but regret being blessed by such a 
curse. We are afraid that conventions would 
be very thinly attcn<led, in the fear that their 
presence might remind some enemy of some 
slight or affront, who would take the present 



opportunity to be avenged. It would be a 
place where, of all others in the world, few 
would congregate. 

Such, we think, is the reason whv God 
chose to chasten this ])eo|)le. They wereim- 
moderately joyous j)revious to, and at the 
time of his death ; but sinct; tiiis mournful 
event not an exultant sound has been heard. 
The enemies' empire has gone on crumbling 
without elicitf^ig the least applause ; now, 
not a single defiant stronghold exists to men- 
ace the liberty, or endatiger the peace of the 
citizens. No trium[)hs for these successes ; 
no gladsome shouts ; no hymns of praise ; no 
pra3-ers of thanksgiving. No smile of appro- 
bation lights up the countenance;; Init in sad- 
ness every one receives the midancholy news; 
no longer manifesting any interest in the ter- 
mination of national difliculties. So deep are 
the people sunk in sorrow that they find no 
contentment in resignation, and refuse abso- 
lutely to be comforted, or raised fi-om their des- 
pondency. They can take no pleasure in tri- 
umphs unless enjoyed by him who so glori- 
ously conducted the campaign. AVith him 
they could enjoy all; without liini nothing. 

I think if the peo[)le had been more mod- 
erate in success, or had rejoiced not at all, or 
philosojihically regretted their brothers' over- 
throw, Lincoln would still have been alive. 
This feeling on the part of friends, would 
have dulled the scimitar's point, and utterly 
disarmed the assassin's rage. " No," some 
one says, " this could not be," " for it was so 
ordained from the beginning, that he should 
die such a death and in such a cause." Then 
if God has this foreknowledge, which he lias 
if he is Omniscient, He nmst also have 
known that the people would make fools of 
themselves in going beyond all bounds in ex- 
ulting over the fall of their brothers, there- 
by giving a cause and an excuse to an event, 
which could not by any po.ssibility happen 
from chance. It was God's doing, and he 
foreordained the whole. He designed it for 
our good, as all things which come from God 
are good. His dispensations are just. If we 
transgress a ])hysical law, we nmst suffer in 
sickness. Our punishment is inevitable. It 
is as sure to follow as night is day. We can- 
not evade it. Were it not for these trans- 
gressions there would be no sickness, as man 
would live to a green old age, to drop at last 
into a welcomed grave. 

MORAL TUANSGRESSIONS PUNISHED. 

Just so in the moral world ; though the 
punishment is not so evident, yet it must 
follow. Man is always more artected by 
sensible things than by things intangible. 
He is almost driven to the belief that the 



32 



OUR CRISIS. 



sensible is all in all; and that everything 
else exists but in the imagination ot" men. 
He does not know that he can be morally at- 
ilicted ; neither does he know that an atllio 
tion is a necessary result for the breach of a 
moral law. lie may lose his wife, or be 
maimed ; or his children suffer some mishap, 
as an eye may be put out, an ear lost, or 
both ; a leg or an arm may be broken, or his 
understaiuiing may fail, still lie will not at- 
tril)ute these disasters to any breach of moral 
duty. But if he eat cucumbers, or some 
other of the vegetable kingdom, and they 
cause him distress, he immediately refers the 
cause of it to the fact that he ate cucumbers. 
Here are cause and ellect that are plain and 
unuiistakal)le. It requires no argument what- 
ever to prove it ; he knows it to be a fact. 

This I [)resume is the cause why many 
are thrown from affluence to poverty and 
want ; and why many are unexpectedly re- 
warded with a large fortune, or some other 
great and important success in life. Abund- 
ant examples may be elicited in proof of both 
of these points. We see them every day. 
They are so common that they cease to attract 
attention. AVe see one rise up, apjiarently 
without any et!brt, to occupy impurtant po- 
sitions in society and the world; while another 
sinks down to the level from which an upstart 
just rose. Another may struggle on through 
life honestly and bravely, and barely live 
iVom hand to mouth, but meet with no start- 
ling success. Another may build himself 
up by illicit traffic and dishonest gains, and 
no great mishap befall him. He may lie, and 
cheat, and swear, and take usurious interest, 
to an enormous extent, passing through life 
successfully, and finally die and sink into a sin- 
ner's grave, a curse to himself, a curse *o the 
world, and a curse to his God. But this does 
not dispi-ove the hypothesis ; he may yet 
have to answer for his crimes. His children 
may rise up and walk in the paths of recti- 
tuile, honor, and truth; but more likely they 
will follow the paths, or some of them, which 
their fathers trod. A man might as well be 
guilty of every vice as to be guilty of one. But 
" the inifiuities of the father shall be visited 
unto the third and fourth generation." Ifasin- 
ner pass through life successfully, look and see 
whether his children or grand-children do or 
not. 

IS PRKSIDKXT DAVIS GUILTY ? 

As we have exonerated President Lincoln 
from all fault, so we must President Davis. 
As the former is but the instrument in the 
hand of God for the purpose of working 
out the destiny of the peojjle, so Davis is 
but the rod with which God chastens the 
people. Had he not been the instrument 



some one else would. His non-acceptance 
of the trust would not have prevented the 
catastrophe. The people are, in such cases, 
answerable for the safety and well-being of 
him whom they clothe with their authority, 
provided only that he does not transcend it. 
True, if I instigate a people to revolt, I am 
amenable to a law ; but in this case I would 
not be conmiitting a crime which would be 
unpardonabe. I might be instigated by an im- 
practicable patriotism. I might be a zealous 
expounder of some abstract truth, and which, 
by success might drive me beyond all bounds, 
and precipitate me in the vortex of popular 
enthusiasm. In this case, I should seem to be 
carried along, rather than leadin<r them from 
their duty and allegiance into rebellion. Still 
I may be guilty ot exciting them in the first 
instance, but, I would not be, for conse- 
quences which I did not intend nor foresee, but 
were rather the result of circumstances. But 
when a people rise up in all their majesty, 
and fanatical zeal, and select one resident in 
their midst to lead them for better or worse, I 
believe it his duly to accept, and exert all his 
energies for the well-being (jf that people. Let 
the insurrection be creat or small, the case is 
exacti}' the same. Man owes allegiance first to 
his family, then to liis immediate surround- 
ings; then, if he wishes, and it is desired of 
him, to a distant Government. If a man be 
attacked inhis household by a party of banditti, 
he does not wait to consult the Government, 
nor the civil authorities, to ascertain if he 
have a right to drive them with violence from 
his premises, or lay thevn in the dust. By the 
time an answer is returned the necessity for 
action is passed, and there is nothing to do 
about the matter, unless to arraign and con- 
vict the nmrderers. The necessities of the 
case precluile the possibility of consulting 
any other law, or rule of action, than that 
which immediately presents itself A man 
owes duty and allegiance to nothing which 
cannot protect him in the enjoyment of life 
and liberty. What can Government, or law, 
do for me in the midst of a mob ? Then I 
am thrown upon my own resources, and any 
course which I may pursue to effect my de- 
liverance, the same is right and just. Law 
does not pretend to protect its citizens in cases 
of a mob or riot; nor is there any moral dif- 
ference when a people rise and declare their 
allegiance withdrawn from an existing au- 
thority, and at the same time clothe one of 
their number with that allegiance. 

It is his duty to accept such trust; for he 
may, if he be wise and prudent, be able to 
lead them through much happier than if 
Jacobin fury rule. What would France have 
done in '93 had not Napoleon been there ? 
He was the restorer of law and order, and 



TO DIE FOR TRUTH, GLORIOUS. 



33 



was the blessing of the people ; whereas, had 
he not taken upon himself the discharfje of 
executive duties, untold miseries would have 
been the lot of the French. Such is the duty 
of man in any and every such case. Suppose he 
refuse, and try to resist the impetuosity of the 
people, his life and possessions may be en- 
dangered, or he driven into ignominious exile. 
A man might as well try to stay with his 
hands the waves of the sea. It is better, too, 
to have a recognized head in all such under- 
takings ; it is better for the people at home, 
and for the people abroad. He is the ad- 
ministrator of law at home, and the negotia- 
tor with friends and enemies abroad. Suppose 
there had been no head of the Southern Con- 
federacy ; suppose the executive duties had 
been performed by a convention, similar to 
that which sat upon the destinies of the 
French people, what would have been the 
result ? Would the contest have been less 
ferocious and sanguinary ? Would the hor- 
rors of war have been mitigated V Would it 
have been more easily terminated '? It may 
have been terminated more speedily, but, 
while it lasted, it would have been terribly 
bloody. It would have exceeded in savage fe- 
rociousness the French reign of terror, and the 
most terrible deaths would have been inflict- 
ed upon prisoners. None would be permitted 
to escape their fury. Untold woes would 
have been the lot of the Southern people. 
If we consider the subject thoroughly it will 
be tbund better for the North, and better for 
the South, better for all concerned. 

WHAT SHALL BE DONE WITH HIM? 

Now the question arises, shall we hang the 
man for making it better V For being an in- 
strument in the hands of God for the pur- 
pose of working out the salvation of the peo- 
ple. What has he done, or what crime has 
he committed V Alas ! none can be shown. 
Some cry treason ! treason ! but who has 
committed treason ? The constitution says 
that " treason shall consist in actually levy- 
ino- war against the United States, or in aid- 
in"- or in abetting their enemies." Now who 
has levied war ? No one individually. The 
people rose up in mass and commanded him 
whom they delegated to lead them against 
their enemies. But first they must be organ- 
ized, equipped, and drilled ; and every 
means that will conduce to this end is also 
conceded. Now for him simply to have ex- 
ercised these powers, is no more treason 
then to organize a squad of men who are de- 
sirous of working so that they may work to 
the best advantage. The people may be 
guilty of treason and rebellion, but no sngle 
man is ; for no one man could raise up such 
5 



a gigantic insurrection. And if you think 
of punishing the people for doing that which 
every true lover of his country claims to 
have the right to do, you will have a hard 
task ; for no American will support an ini(|- 
uitous usurpation, and one directly opposed 
to the genius of American instituti(jns. 

Suppose you try him, and adjudge hira 
guilty, and hang him, what then V Would 
it nullify his acts or his pretensions ? Would 
it deter others from assuming in like cases 
the same responsibilities V Certainly not. 
Such punishments have been inflicted for 
thousands of years, still the crime goes on. 
Then why not begin to adopt other measures, 
and see if a better result is not the reward. 
As for nullifying State rights, or individual 
sovereignty, it is out of the question. It is 
inherent. You might as well try to unmake 
yourself, and condemn the whole human race 
to the sphere of the phenomenal. You may 
as well proclaim his mortality, the non-exis- 
tence of a God, and an hundred other like 
absurdities, which only prove the ignorance 
and arrogance of a presuming fanatic. Such 
things do not destroy eternal principles. 
They will live forever in spite of man. And 
if he dies for this, he is a martyr to the 
truth. His grave will be decked with flow- 
ers, and his fate bewailed by the tears of 
millions. His courage in the hour of peril, 
his moderation in the hour of victory ; and 
his fortitude in the hour of distress, will be 
recounted as an illustration of the most re- 
markable virtues manifested during this try- 
ing period. 

TO DIE FOR TRUTH, GLORIOUS. 

How resigned he should be in view of such 
a glorious end ! To die tor the truth has 
been the glory of but a few. But few are 
esteemed worthy of a martyr's crown. How 
gladly would I lay down all I possess in the 
defence of such a ])rinciple. Gladly would 
I change places with the prisoner, if I could 
but be worthy of such an end. If he is guil- 
ty then I am, and every one who maintains 
his innocence. I would conmiit myself as he 
has without the least hesitation. I would do 
again what he has already done, and for 
which he now stands accused. On this I 
have planted my resolution, to live in the 
maintenance of democratic institutions, and 
if need be, die in their defence. A democrat 
I was born, and a democrat I will die, let 
who will reign, reign. 

Our fathers fought and died in the defence 
of this principle, and shall we, ungrateful 
sons of honored sires, throw away or ignore 
it? Never! Let Americans always be true 
to themselves, if they wish to be respected 



34 



OUR CRISIS. 



and loveil. Let us never sully the fair fame 
■\vliich crowns the American name. Let us 
never ignore those cherished ])rinciples which 
are the pride of our life ; the bulwark of 
our strength ; and the basis on which our 
constitution is ibunded. They are our all. 
Take them away and we are shorn of our 
majesty and strength, and left desolate upon 
nothing. Let the world go on as it will, but 
let Americans live absolute upon their own 
vantage ground, strong in the consciousness 
of inherent worth ; ever walking in the paths 
of truth, justice, honor, and love. 

In the decision on his case rests the ab- 
stract right of individual sovereignty ; and 
in deciding it the judiciary will have need of 
all circumspection lest they commit treason 
against themselves, and nullify the rights of 
Americans, or set at naught the liberty won 
by our ancestors upon the bloody field. 
Soon this great question will be solved theo- 
retically, if not judicially. O Americans ! 
let not the stain of this man's blood be upon 
us. Let not this blighting curse go down to 
posterity, that we could prove ungrateful to 
ourselves, our country, and to our God. Let 
us not stamp the valor of our fathers with in- 
famy. But let us crown their patriotism 
•with the never fading wreath of clemency 
an<l mercy. Let us be merciful to the van- 
quished, and forgive them, if they be guilty, 
as we hope sometime to be forgiven. 

AXOTIIER COXSIDERATION. 

There is another feature to be examined 
in connection with the change of chiefs which 
was thus tragically bi ought about. It is 
thought by some that Lincoln would be too 
lenient and mercifid to the conquered rebels, 
and thereibre to punish them the more, God 
thought best to remove him, and substitute 
another in his stead. This one, they thought, 
had been sufficiently aggrieved b}' the sup- 
pliant and misguided enemy, to pursue them 
with remorseless vengeance. They, the left 
wing of the now so called republican or abo- 
lition party, thought to make them feel bit- 
terly the pangs of defeat ; and they consoled 
themselves for the death of their favorite, by 
thinking that he had finished his work, and 
that it was necessary for another, who, from 
recent ill treatment, and partisan antipa- 
thies, was rendered particularly odious to 
them, to take the helm of state and guide 
her through her voyage. They thought that 
his feelings were sufficiently imbittered from 
these causes to drive him into acts which a 
less iriitated mind W(juld detest ; and which 
he himself would not do under other circum- 
stances. They wished to have them disfran- 
chised ; their lands and goods confiscated, 



and they left to wander about in want of the 
necessaries of life ; and in subjection to their 
slaves ! This is the scheme which was now 
concocted, and which was their consolation 
in the hour of bereavement. 

They had already found that Lincoln was 
too good to betray his country into the hands 
of unprincipled fanatics ; and they thought 
every one would have scruples about carry- 
ing out such unpatriotic and partisan meas- 
ures ; whose judgment would not be tortured 
by the recollection of personal indignities, 
and undisguised tavints ; and for this reason 
they searched the country through and 
through to find one who, in case of such an 
accident as the death of the president, might 
be sufficiently subservient to their wishes as 
to wield the rod of oppression over the con- 
quered states. Him they found in Andrew 
Johnson, of Tennessee ; a man, who of all 
others in the United States, is best adapted 
for the work to which he is assigned. He 
would, like Nero, make the enemy feel them- 
selves die. He would take pleasure in seeing 
them writhe beneath the heel of oppression. 
He would be deaf to all entreaties. His 
heart would be hardened by the remem- 
brance of past insults, and his soul would be 
inaccessible to pity. No tears could move 
the iron resolution of his will. No supplica- 
tions, however prostrate and humble, could 
bend him from his purpose. He had been 
wronged and he must be avenged. The 
groans, and tears, and sighs of millions, must 
be spent in vain to gratify personal resent- 
ments. He is the James II. of the American 
revolution. A Jeffries would soon be found 
to execute his merciless mandates. This 
doctrine I heard preached over the cold re- 
mains of the martyred president. It shows 
to what a pitch of arrugance success will car- 
ry the fanatic. A calm and dispassionate 
mind cannot but deplore the sad condition 
into which we have fallen, by allowing parti- 
san prejudices to carry us so far beyond the 
limits of reason. 

The extreme North is as far from the right 
as the extreme South. The latter had negro 
slaves ; and the former Avould reverse the po- 
sition of the parties, — making whites the 
slaves with negroes for their masters. Which 
would be the worst of the two, remains hap- 
])ily to be seen ; but that neither will result 
is my anxious hope and wish. A wise and 
judicious man will condenni both, and mark 
out for his course a path c(|ui-distant from the 
two extremes. Each is ecpially far from the 
mean, and therefore ecjually wrong; and the 
oidy true patriotic po.-ition for one to take, is 
that which president Johnson is now follow- 
ing, however unpleasant it may be to the 
radical portion of the community. 



INVOLUNTARY SERVITUDE DEAD. 



35 



Such was the bitterness of party spirit 
•which manifested itself, in a jjreater or less 
degree, from all quarters of the Union on 
the assumption of the President of the exec- 
utive duties of the Nation. But imagine 
their surprise when the first kneeling sujjpli- 
cant was raised by a brotherly hand, and as- 
sured that he would be protected in ail the 
privileges and immunities of an American 
citizen. Imagine a grateful heart overflow- 
ing with love for that great man whom that 
heart had once so indiscreetly wronged. 
How the tears flowed down that emaciated 
face, made so by fear and anxiety for his fate, 
and the fate of his friends, and the fate of 
his beloved country, — for the love of wliich 
he had been led so far away into the paths of 
rebellion and war ; instigated by a misguided 
patriotism, harrowed up to the highest pitch 
of frenzy and despair, and goaded on by 
zeal for party aggrandizement, and the ex- 
tinction of antagonistlcal factions. Beams of 
joy light up his haggard countenance. Smiles 
play in fitful flashes where but a short time 
ago sat despair in all its horror. Sunshine 
and hope now radiate from his being, and he is 
again a man, elevated from a worse end 
than a grave — a living, a slow, consuming 
remorse. 

EULOGY ON PRESIDENT JOHNSON. 

God be praised for this deliverance — for 
this great prodigy of a man. He is our coun- 
try's glory, and our country's salvation. Wis- 
dom, and justice, and clemency reign in his 
heart. When we least expected, and least 
merited such a deliverer, God graciously pre- 
sents him to us for our salvation. Let us try 
and appreciate the wonderful combination of 
the most heroic and commendable qualities 
with which God has endowed him. Let us 
return our most grateful thanks to Him for 
this great blessing. He has blessed us with 
peace, and has blessed us with a great and a 
noble President. Under his fostering care 
we shall have Union, and concord, and a glo- 
rious prosperity. Our hill sides shall again 
bloom ; our valleys shall again return us a 
plenteous harvest. The sun shall again shine 
in splendor upon our happy homes ; and 
peace shall reign in all our borders. My 
own, my beautiful America ! Thou land of 
the free, or grave of the brave ; long have 
you been torn by intestine broils through 
the mad folly of your misguided sons. Now 
let peace, union, and happiness reign. 

INVOLUNTARY SERVITUDE DEAD. 

The conquered enemies come to him with 
the firm assurance that justice will be award- 
ed them. All that they desire and expect 



is freely given. The cause of the strife is 
conceded as lost. They neither advocate 
now, nor wish to hear it mentioned. They 
took up arms like patriots and men, in the 
defence of a clierished and immemorial insti- 
tution. This institution they believed to be 
rigiit; and they thought that if it was right it 
could be maintained and estabiisheii on a firm- 
er foundation by might. Tliey resolved upon 
the struggle. They fought bravely, as be- 
came the sons of revolutionary sires, in the 
defence of what they thought was riglit. Tlie 
issue was tried ; and the issue is lost, and 
they manfully give it. They fought like pa- 
triots, and now like patriots they sue for 
peace. A patriot extends them this hallowed 
boon with a fraternal hand, and assures them 
that they are Americans still entitled to all 
the prerogatives of citizenship. Tiiese they 
accept with a grateful heart remembering 
that the fate of the conquered is in tlie hands 
of the conqueror, and that their all is at liis 
disposal. How modestly he wields these 
great powers, condescending to the condition 
of the meanest vassal to accept from their 
hands a suffrage. He graciously gives to them 
the power to thwart all his measures, and 
defeat himself, when it lays in his power to 
retain it. How magnanimous ! How un- 
selfish ! Even while the mad hue-and-cry 
of faction is ringing in his ears — disfranchise 
them! Grind them in the dust! and make 
them feel their humiliation by putting into the 
hands of an uneducated, arrogant, and stupid 
race the rod of oppression. How merciful 
he is to permit these wild fanatics to contin- 
ue their demoralizing and partisan schemes. 
But some of them say he cannot help 
himself, — he who so patriotically disarms 
himself in the presence of hostile foes, and 
trusts to the honor and magnanimity of the 
people for that support and encouragement 
which he merits. Do you say he cannot help 
himself? O, thou dastard ! How unworthy 
American Liberty ! To see a man, strong in 
the knowledge of conscious worth, throw 
himself wholly upon the people, and rest his 
cause upon their decision, without the aid of 
a supporting arm, relying implicitly upon 
their love of democratic ])rinciples, made 
sweet and more impressive by the recollec- 
tion of revolutionary glory, is truly the no- 
blest act in the history of American inde- 
pendence. To see a man, armed by the 
strength of a million bayonets, throw them 
all aside and depend upon the justice of his 
cause, received from the hands of a discern- 
ins people, is placing a confidence in the 
love of the popular heart never before equal- 
led ; and it shows, on his part, a deep love of 
justice, truth, and liberty never before sur- 
passed. 



36 



OUR CRISIS. 



WASHINGTOX AND JOHXSOX COMPARED. 

You say Washington voluntarily resigned 
absolute authority. True ; but over what 
did he have absolute authority ? Thirteen 
colonies reduced to starvation and beggary. 
Their promise to pay was considered worth- 
less. Tlie army was miserably fed, clothed, 
and never paid ; but they were patriots, who 
never complained of the injustice done them 
by their country. To liave laid down such 
autliority, I should have esteemed a great 
jirivilege. The happiness of domestic peace, 
under the peaceful shades of Mount Vernon, 
could not be tbund in the contending fac- 
tions ; nor in the turmoil of political respon- 
sibilities. But to see a man lay down author- 
ity that is worth keeping argues the higliest 
patriotism, and the greatest confidence in the 
people and nation whose navies whiten every 
sea ; and whose cannons speak terror and 
defiance in the ears of tyrants. Then we 
were loved and respected by none ; now we 
are feared and reverenced by all. Then we 
were rising into existence ; now we have 
grown to our strength. Then Ave were in- 
fants ; now we are men ; though not yet ar- 
rived to that majesty and stateliness of gray- 
headed old age. We have seen the navy 
almost disbanded. It was the pride and 
glory of the American name. It was a 
shjeld in war, and a lion in peace. She pro- 
tected us from insults, and avenged our inju- 
ries. But now, relying upon our internal 
strength, and the consciousness that we will 
do right in all cases and award justice to 
every party, he trusts himself upon the 
judgment of the people in the firm belief 
tliat they will not do violence to themselves. 
His cause is theirs. Without them, his titles 
would be but a shadow, and his reward would 
be nothing. They are the sovereign, and he 
is their servant. This position he chose rather 
than be their master and his country's ruin. 
Never in the annals of the human race was 
such devotedness so amply illustrated. He has 
entire!}' forgotten himself in his love for his 
country,- — the people are his country, — and 
their wishes are the rule of his acts. They 
are his judges and arbitrators. They hold 
in their hands the keys of tlieir salvation, 
and his fate. In their decision he trusts; 
in their wisdom he hopes and confides. 

Washington had no partisan enmities to 
reconcile. True he had a government to 
form and laws to promulgate. These could 
be accomplished by calm reasoning and pa- 
tient toil. No enemies at home, and no 
false friends to counteract his work. He 
had not to fear the dagger of the assassin. 
He felt himself safe while enduring every 
hardship. He could lie down and repose 



sweetly at night, after a hard day's toil. But 
now the case is different. The president 
has as hard, if not harder, work to perform, 
and this must be done surrounded by the 
most insuperable difiiculties. He has enmi- 
ties to reconcile ; claims to adjust; friends to 
gratify ; enemies to appease ; four millions 
of negroes to protect from the avariciousness 
of their friends, and make them useful to the 
state ; some he feels it his duty to conciliate ; 
others to soothe ; and others to force into 
obedience ; and all this must be done for 
the good of the state, and to the honor of 
himself Surely, it is a greater work than 
ever a man contemplated. 

DISFRANCHISEMENT. 

We can see how uncharitable the friends 
of the negro are in the tact that they can 
consciously urge upon the president the ne- 
cessity of taking from their late brethren in 
arms the right of the elective franchise, — a 
right which was obtained by the blood of our 
fathers, and bequeathed in common to us, 
their children. Would we take from one- 
another a right which we all equally enjoy ? 
O how mean ! But why are they so solicit- 
ous on this subject ? Because it takes from 
their fellow brethren their most potent shield. 
They would have him completely disarmed 
and at their mercy. They fear that if they 
have a right to elect delegates to their con- 
gress, they may thwart their schemes, and 
ultimately acquire political preponderance. 
Such a contingency they cannot think of 
without the most serious apprehensions. Per- 
haps, in their despair, they might accept the 
arbitration of the sword, and maintain those 
very rights which they now ignore. The 
future is shrouded in mystery, neither can 
we draw aside the vail, nor peep through ; 
but a few years will disclose much, which it 
is worth living to learn. 

What other object they can have in view, 
than the maintainance of themselves, we can- 
not see. It surely is not designed to deter 
them or others from appealing to the sword ; 
for the punishment would only aggravate the 
offence, and make it more likely that the op- 
pressed would rise, after they had repaired 
the ravages of war, and appeal again to 
arms. Such an appeal could not be decided 
either way till after a long, and, perhaps, 
bloody war. The fortune of war is as fickle 
as all other fortunes, and it might be decided 
unfavorably to them. Therefore, I think it 
would be better not to drive them to such an 
extremity ; still they can do, when they have 
the power, just as they think best. But it 
shows to what an extent they would carry par- 
ty resentments. They know that such feelings 



REPUBLIC OF ROME. 



87 



■were the cause of tlie war ; and they si-cin 
to wish to make them the cause of aiiotluT. 
How unwise and iinpatriotii; siicli motives 
are every one can see. For two reasons 
such a step would be impolitic. First : It 
■would the sooner provoke another war ; and 
secondly, that war would be doubtlhl. Every 
one who seeks the welfare of hi.s country 
would not strive to i)lun(;e her into war. 
Therefore such feelings are instigated only 
by partisan revenue, or in order to maintain 
themselves in power. 

PRECEDENT NOT FOUND. 

If you look for precedent in support of 
such a scheme, it cannot be found ; for in no 
instance has a nation been debarred the rij^lit 
of the elective franchise since the introduc- 
tion of a representative government ; and it 
has existed in some form or another for the 
last three thousand years. No political of- 
fence has been deemed of sullicient magni- 
tude to be expiated by the infliction of such a 
punishment upon extensive territories. A 
portion of the rebellious Israelites was over- 
whelmed with destruction. This was prefera- 
ble to living in abject servitude. I would rath- 
er see the whole South sink into irrevocable 
oblivion than see them live in crouching, 
trembling obedience to a lordly despot. And 
such a course would be as dishonorable to 
the supporters and perpetrators of such a 
scheme as to the sufferers themselves. They 
would look with complacency upon a pros- 
trate man. O ! how unworthy Americans 
and American glory. It would be more to 
our honor, and it would resound more to our 
glory to precipitate the whole South into the 
ocean. If a people in arms knew that such 
a doom awaited them, I think they would be 
justified in warring to the direst extremity, 
yea, in carrying devastation, blood, carnage, 
and death intothe ranks, or country, of their 
oppressors. Let my liberty be endangered, 
or my disfranchisement threatened, and I 
think dismay would possess the souls of ray 
persecutors, if I could inspire others with an 
equal zeal and noble despair. True I might 
be crushed, as many other patriots have 
been ; but my fall would be glorious. Look 
at Poland and Hungaria ! is their position an 
honor to Europe, and is it glorious to them- 
selves ? Nay, it is the foulest stigma upon 
the European system. Do you wish to see 
Americans, the pride and glory of the hu- 
man race, reduced by Americans to the same 
humiliating condition ? Let us live men and 
not tarnish the fair escutcheon of our national 
history. Let us keep intact our great repu- 
tation, and not do anything nor advise any- 
thing which will tend to lessen the admira- 



tion of the surrounding nations of the world. 
Li't us keep our institutions, as they have 
lieretofore l)een, the model of all representa- 
tive governments. Let all nations look up 
to us as the authors of the niost saluUiry laws, 
and the dispensers of etpial Justice. Let us, 
on all occasions, ehallengu the resjiect and 
esteem of every one. 

TlIK UKITHMC OK OKEECE. 

The republics of Greece were far differ- 
ent from ours. As sof)n as a province was 
concjuered, and, unless the people were very 
tractable and easily subdueil, a governor 
was immediately appointed to administer the 
affairs of the city. But it was not always 
done as a punishment ; for the conquered 
people might jueviously have had no inter- 
course with their contjuerors. If a city re- 
belled, the most stringent measures were 
adopted to hold it in obedience. 

The administration of the affairs of Athens 
was of no greater magnitude than those of 
New York ; and if she did not extend the 
same liberties to her allies and friends, she 
enjoyed absolute liberty within the precincts 
of her city. True, some were ostracised for 
political principles ; and some rogues were 
outlawed ; but all possessed the right of the 
elective franchise who had arrived at the 
age prescribed by law, or those who were not 
denizens. The empire of Athens was built 
up and sustained by the help of her allies, 
each of which was sovereign and independ- 
ent, though paying tribute to Athens. Each 
could carry on a war with a neighbor with- 
out the advice, or consent, or aid of Athens, 
provided only that that neighbor was not iu 
alliance with her. 

REPUBLIC OF ROME. 

Rome's institutions were somewhat similar, 
though more despotic over her provinces 
and colonies. Her allies were powerful and 
independent kings; but when con(iuered 
they were but vassals of the Roman emi)ire, 
without a voice in the councils of the state, 
or in the administration of justice. They 
were but tributary slaves. IJut within the 
walls of Rome absolute republican etiuality 
was tolerated up to the time of the emperors. 
We conclude hence that their institutions 
and ours are very dissimilar. They gave 
the elective franchise to whom they wished, 
and withheld it from whom they wishe<l. It 
was not withheld from rebellious provinces 
oftener than it was from conquered ones. 
If an enemy proved valiant and struggled 
courageously to the last, they would add to 
the stfng of "^defeat the reproach of a foreign 



38 



OUR CRISIS. 



governor. They strove to remind them con- 
tinually of their subjection. Rcjiublicanism 
did not extend beyond the Romans them- 
selves ; nor was it taken from them till they 
lost it by their own indiscretion and folly. 
So long as they remained virtuous they were 
victorious and they triumphed over all ene- 
mies abroad, and kept their own selfish 
propensities under control. They at last 
conquered themselves, and they lost by their 
inordinate ambition that which the most pow- 
erful kings of ertrth had been unable to take 
away or destroy. So long as they remained 
friends to themselves, so long the world 
obeyed their mandates. But when the pow- 
er of faction usurped dominion they fell of 
their own corruption. 

Her fall should be a lesson to us. Let us 
profit by the history of her rise and fall. 
Let no partisan motives taint our patriotism, 
and be mindful of the duty which we owe 
ourselves. So long as we are friends to our- 
selves we are friends to the country. Let us 
do no injustice to one another ; but let us 
strive in offices of good-will to one another 
how we may mitigate the necessary evils of 
our existence. Let us not take liberty from 
ourselves, then we will be sure that we are 
free, for no one, or no combination of king- 
doms can take it from us, if we be true to 
ourselves. 

But the course which faction and partisan 
warfare are new endeavoring to lead will 
ultimately result in our ruin. We shall have 
destroj'ed ourselves through the triumph of 
one foction over another, until all finally see 
themselves tramjjling upon the greatest and 
best institutions the genius of man ever con- 
ceived. If we are wise we will prevent this 
sad catastrophy by adopting such measures, 
and electing such men as will subserve to 
our general interests ; and promote our na- 
tional glory. If we decide to do these things 
all may yet be well ; but should we, like 
Augustus, ])roscribe the friends of the oppo- 
sition, we may rest assured that our doom is 
sealed, and our disgraceful oblivion, certain. 

Augustus would be avenged upon the mur- 
derers of his father; and his father was the 
father of the Roman people. He did net 
interpose a word for the lite of the renowned 
Cicero, though it was in his power to prevent 
his assassination. 

His fourteen Philippics against Antony 
could not be so easily forgotten ; nor could 
Augustus believe that he was necessary to 
the stability of the Roman empire, .though 
he was the strongest proj) of the state. Had 
Antony forgiven his powerful opponent, and 
all feelings of revenge ])(!en erased from the 
mind of Augustus and all other heading states- 
men, the Roman empire might still have been 



in existence. But no, the minds of men must 
have satisfiiction for injuries received. " An 
eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth," is 
still the raging mania. People seem unwil- 
ling to appeal to any other resort. They do not 
seem to recognize in it the forerunner of their 
own destruction. You speak of their being 
injured more deeply than they injure their 
foe ; why, they would laugh you to scorn. 
How can I be injured by striking that villain 
who so foully wronged me "? It gives imme- 
diate satisfaction to the mind, yet history 
shows that it results disastrously to the state. 
When Cjesar fell the people mourned, and 
were sincere in their grief. To punish his 
murderers was to punish the enemies of the 
state. The enemies of Augustus were the 
murderers of Cajsar, and to remove these the 
people cooperated. Augustus gladly accepted 
their aid ; for when all the opposition was 
put down nothing but servile acquiescence to 
his rule could be expected. Thus the people 
were the cause of their own enslavement. 
]\Iilton says, they were " deservedly made 
vassal." Be careful lest we, in punishing 
our enemies put down the friends of the 
country. For fear that one friend fall a vic- 
tim to our vengeance, better let two enemies 
escape ; for one prop taken from beneath 
this stupendous fabric endangers its fall. Let 
enemies assault the outer walls to their heart's 
content, they cannot scale the battlements 
of the constitution, if we remain united, and 
do not, through indiscretion, sap its founda- 
tions ourselves. 

OUR DUTY TO OUR COUNTRY. 

Suppose you go on and proscribe the prin- 
ciples in this rebellion ; what then ? Do you 
think you have nullified the right of se- 
cession, and crushed forever the highest as- 
pirations of the human heart ? Or do you 
contend that the opposition being put down, 
the country will rest in peace ? Fallacious 
hope ! Do you think that the recollection 
of your proscription or injustice will be bu- 
ried with your unsuccessful antagonists ? It 
will live forever in the minds of orphans and 
widows, and revenge is just as legitimate in 
their hands as in yours ; and if you assume 
the right, you must concede it to them. In 
this cas(» you will becpieath a curse instead 
of a blessing to your children. You will 
make them reap in bitterness and woe the 
fruits of your folly. And it is better to pro- 
scribe at once the whole Southern people, 
than to permit them to live in servile vassa- 
h'ge, a disgrace to you, and a shame to them. 
They would bo a living monument of your 
ingratitude to your fellow. Better, far better 
bury all thoughts of revenge, and return to 



NEGRO SUFFRAGE. 



89 



tlie support of our common fouiitry. l.t-t 
us unite ourselves together in soeial, endear- 
ing friendship. 

If we eannot be perfect, we can make an- 
other advance toward that end ; but no one 
"will ever arrive there, so long as the unhal- 
lowed lusts of the sensible worKl are the end 
of his endeavors. Are we going to stand 
still in the advance already made, and not 
make another exertion towards the perfec- 
tion of the human race. We have a good 
government, but we can, or ought, to make a 
better one ; if not we can ])repare the ioa<l 
so our children may reach the goal. A\'e 
must try and allay the passions, and not be 
controlled by their demands. Perfection is 
the acme of human ambition, beyond which 
we cannot go, but toward which we are in 
duty bound to climb. We must progress ; 
if we do not, we shall recede. We must go 
onward and upward till we can reach no 
higher. Till we reach this we must be mer- 
ciful and lenient toward our vanquished 
brethren ; for just so long as we do not ex- 
ercise these virtues, we must, as a necessary 
consequence, have war ; and if the course 
which we delight so much to pursue be the 
cause of war, then, in our settlement of our 
differences we should not be severe, revenge- 
ful, and arrogant to those whom fortune has 
decided against ; for we should remember 
that good fortune is not always with the 
strongest; that the slightest event may be 
sufficient to change the fate of millions ; and 
that we may yet ourselves be reduced to the 
same condition. We must think now how 
we should like to be used in case such an 
event might happen, and do unto them just 
as we should like to have others do unto us. 
If we be disdainful and unrelenting to our 
fallen foe how shall we feel Avhen others 
more humane than ourselves, choose to re- 
ward our severity with kindness ? Would 
we not then reproach ourselves for being too 
arrogant in the hour of prosperity toward our 
own unfortunate brethren, when strangers 
are merciful to us in the hour of adversity ? 
Would not mercy be a virtue to them, if it 
would be to us under like circumstances ? 
Then why not exercise it ? W^hy not make 
a road now while the sun shines so brightly, 
that we may find our way along when clouds 
overshadow us ? Do we presume to think 
that we will always be victorious and no con- 
querors be found to put down that overbear- 
ing spirit which too often follows in the path 
ofsuccess ? Let us pave the way to our own 
salvation. Let us do that now which we will 
not be ashamed to ask of others ; nor be 
ashamed to receive mercy when we thought 
our brother unworthy to receive it. Then 
we shall not be ashamed to accept from the 



hands of others that wiiicli we so freely con- 
ceded in like circumstances. 

WK SHOl'I.D UK WISK IN TI.MK. 

We, or our successors, may yet be driven 
to the extremity of ajiiJealiiig to the sword, 
and we, or tiiey may gel wliippeil; we can- 
not tell. It is well to look ahead and pre[)arc 
for such an emergency. Our van(|uislied 
foes may in time regain their strenglli, and 
Ibrtune may crown their endi-avors witii suc- 
cess. They may regain tlieir lost power. 
Think of such a contingeniy, and tremble. 
Think what pleasure they would feel in being 
revenged on you for the indignities which 
you now heap on them. Perhaps that re- 
venge would be just, because yours now 
is unmerited. They have done nothing to 
provoke such extreme measures, except to 
fight valiantly in defence of cherished prin- 
ciples ; and which you yourself would do if 
you deemed your rights endangered, or your 
liberties cm-tailed ; and which you would 
have a perfect right to do ; lor we have as 
much right to anticipate a danger by adopt- 
ing such means to prevent it as we shall 
think necessary, as we would have, if the 
danger were evident, and existing. 

Nf;GRO SUFFRAGE. 

This is not all. The party in power urge 
upon the Executive the necessity of not only 
taking away from the whites the elective 
franchise, but even to extend it to the negro; 
thus placing the whole white population of 
the South in the hands of an ignorant and 
revengeful class. Think of four millions of 
these beings holding complete domination 
over twice their number ! A sect unedu- 
cated in any branch of civil, social, religious, 
and political science ! who know nothing of 
government, of laws, or a moral duty ! who 
iiave neither art, intelligence, or refinement! 
who have never shown any remarkable de- 
gree of ingenuity, skill, or aptitude of inven- 
tion ! A peo])le, who tor nearly r),OUO years 
have not advanced one step in the develop- 
ment of their mental powers ! who to-day 
are as sunken in all the vices of barbarism, 
cannibalism, infanticidism, and promiscuous 
concubinism as they were 3,U<id years ago. 
Think of such a people being placed over an 
intelligent and patriotic one I The mind 
reels with horror at the thought; and the 
Christian weeps tears of sorrow when re- 
minded of such ingratitude from man to 
man. He also mourns to see man so lost to 
a sense of those redeeming (pialities which 
are the pride of humanity and the glory of a 
golden age. Talk of reason, or law, or 



40 



OUR CRISIS. 



justice to any of them, and you will be 
soofFed into silence. They would say, " we 
don't reason with traitors ; the halter is 
the only justice." But why, some may 
in(iuire,' why not let the negro vote as 
well as other itrnorant and unread of" the 
race ? I have no objection to his voting pro- 
vided only that no one other ihim his own 
race is injured thereby. I am willing he 
should vote all the days of his life without 
stint or scruple, but not at my ballot-box. 
I dont want a nigger's hand in my pie, nor 
his impudence in my business. I want the 
ni<i2er to tend to his own concerns; and I 
bi'lieve that I can tend to mine without his 
help. I^Iot that I consider myself any better 
than a negro, nor any other living creature, 
but I believe they are a class distinct by 
themselves and should be, like all other ani- 
mals, kept in their own sphere. There is 
room enough on this globe for us all to live 
without settling down into a nigger's nest. 
I don't want anything to do with them what- 
ever, and, as far as I can avoid it, I never 
shaU. But the idea of giving them dominion 
over the whites is too palpably a violation of 
moral duty to be further considered in this 
place. I cannot argue it with anything like 
composure and resignation ; and those who 
can conscientiously advocate such a measure 
show, too conclusively, into what a deplora- 
ble situation we aie placed. 

WHAT IS TO BE DONE WITH HIM ? 

But the negro is among us and is to be 
disposed of some way or an other ; and if I 
had all the power requisite to carry into 
practical operation any measure designed to 
remedy the evil, I know not what course I 
should pursue ; but I could c^uickly and 
easily determine what course I would noj 
pursue ; and that course would be opposed to 
their having civil, social, and political exist- 
ence with the wliites, for fear of the evils 
which would result from miscegenation. 
These will be treated of in their place. 

But firstly, in this place, what evil will re- 
sult, asiilc from miscegenation, if they enjoy 
civil, social, and political existence with us V I 
know of none. But there will be incon- 
veniences and disgusting associations, which 
will be far from ])leasant to any one con- 
cerned. Undoubtedly, such a cour.se would 
be beneficial to the Africans ; but it would, 
in the same proportion, be detrimental to 
the Americans. As one is advanced, the 
other will recede. One will rise, while the 
otlier will fall. I don't know as it would be 
strictly an evil to have a negro congress or 
a negro president, or a negro judicature; 
but, this 1 know, that it would prove that no 



white nfan possessed sufficient confidence and 
ihlluence in and on the American mind to 
merit the position. Such an event would be 
the shame of the Americans, and the glory 
of the negro. The latter would trample on 
the majesty of the former, and, if not suf- 
ficiently wise, with arrogance and contempt. 
It would, too, be very disagreeable not only 
to us, but to our children ; for they must 
mingle with black children, in school and out 
of school, as we must with older ones, in- 
doors and out of doors, and, finally, in bed and 
out of bed. They would have the benefit 
of the advance which we have made in arts 
and sciences, and also of that which we shall 
hereafter make. Tliis mixed socialism can 
never result in any good to ourselves while 
here. I would advise such a step hereafter; 
for then, I suppose, distinctions in sex, color, 
and propensities, will be abolished ; but now 
the line of demarcation between the two 
races should be plain and distinct, for reasons 
which I shall hereafter give. 

In the first place then, if they be not worthy 
of social existence with us, what shall be 
done with them ? This is the question, and 
it is to the point. It is obvious that they 
must live somewhere ; but, with us, it would 
be disagreeable, impolitic and unwise. I 
would advise that they be colonized some- 
where alone, where they may be left at lib- 
erty to propagate their species, and improve 
the arts to their hearts'-content unmolested ; 
then no one will be brought down by their 
advance. The act, or law, which orders 
their removal and colonization should pro- 
vide means for their sustentation, and imple- 
ments of husbandry, and such other articles 
as shall be thought necessary, together with 
a clause prohibiting at once and forever all 
social intercourse with them which is not of 
a diplomatic or state character; and anyone 
who infringes on this last clause to be con- 
demned to perpetual and ignominious exile 
in the country of the blacks. It is believed 
that this would be sufficient to deter fickle or 
philanthropic lovers from throwing themselves 
into the arms of a wench, and, also, as an 
antidote for feminine love of the effluvia of 
black flowers. If I thought a descendant of 
mine would outrage the majesty of white 
blood to such an extent, I would forever live 
in single blessedness, preferring rather to see 
a race uubegot, than to see it thus disgrace 
its name. To be banished forever with them 
Avould take off a good deal of the romance. 
They would get rather more of black blood 
than they wanted. 

As to the place wliere such a colony might 
be founded, little argument is necessary. 
We have laud plenty on this continent for 
the building up of a negro empire ; and it 



MISCEGENATION. 



41 



can raise itself up in emulation opposite our 
own. Give them Now Moxico and a part of 
Texas, or other lands as may bu tlwju^flit 
best. There is room enou<:li yet, pK-iity. 
There are tiiousands of .scjuare miles wliiuli 
no civilized foot has ever yet trod, and wliicli 
"will not be, unless some such measure be 
adopted, for years to eome. Don't tlien, for 
the sake of them, for the sake of ourselves, 
and for the sake of our God, permit them to 
remain with us in any capacity wiiatevcr, 
for whether slaves or free-slaves, or by wliat- 
ever other term you choose to desijinate tliem, 
the case is just the same, and the (hui^jer just 
as evident. If they can be made anythinn;, 
they can make themselves just as well as for 
us to unmake ourselves. If they can be use- 
ful to us, they can be useful to themselves. 
It is not necessary that'we lose ourselves in 
negro blood in order to rescue them from 
the grovels of misery and woe. Better 
that four millions remain black, than the 
■whole world sink into disgrace and oblivion. 
Better have them always remain where they 
are than to pull the whole white race down 
to their level. If they remain amongst us, 
miscegenation will be the result, and we shall 
become a heterogeneous people, divided into 
a halt-a-dozen difierent castes and grades and 
distinctions. 

The course which these negro-philanthro- 
pists pursue Is instigated by no patriotic mo- 
tive ; all they seek is to sustain themselves 
in power ; and they hope, by putting the 
ballot into the hands of the negro, he will 
always exercise it as they desire ; for they 
care no more for the negi'o other than to 
make him an instrument for the upholding 
of themselves. They are just as jealous 
of their blood and beauty as any one ; but 
if any of the servile whites choose to mix 
this blood, why, they will smile upon it, and 
pronounce it patriotic devotedness. Some 
few of them may set the example, to be after- 
wards despised by his circle, and also by his 
new associates. If a man thinks so little of 
himself as to throw himself into such society, 
every one. In their secret hearts, will think 
as little of him. To be thought much of, 
a man must commence by thinking much of 
himself; if he cannot, he may rest assured 
that no one else will ; and the lordly aboli- 
tionist thinks as much of himself as any one 
else, and is just as tenacious of his preroga- 
tives. He would not sleep with a wench 
himself; and if his son should fall in love 
with one he would disinherit him ; and if his 
daughter should elope with a negro she 
would find an inhospitable roof on her re- 
turn ; but if his hired man chooses to sink 
himself a peg or two lower, why, perhaps he 
will be worth just as much to him, and it 
will make him more dependent. 



MISCEGENATION. 

Negro suffrage and miscogcnation are in- 
separable. If you give him the riglit to 
vote, and continue it, you concede witli it 
the riglit of marrying into your family, how- 
ever much oppo-eil you may be to tliis. 
And if you consent that the negro Iiave so- 
cial and political relations witii you, youM at 
the same time consent tiiat \u'. marry some 
one of your family; for how is it [)Ossibl(! to 
avoid it? Will you have a negro .school- 
house, and a negro meeting-house, and a 
negro burying-ground, and a negro Ijallot- 
bo.x y Do you ex[)ect wiiile your relations 
are so intimate, to keep the lin(! drawn 
between the two races so broad as to 
preclude all passing and repassing? Impos- 
sible. You nmst cut them olf, now and tbr- 
ever, If you would jjreserve your blood un- 
tainted. Even if you have dllTercnt school- 
houses and places of worship, — and what a 
republic would ours be with such an arrange- 
ment of things ? — still there would be dan- 
ger of miscegenation. A negro might get 
rich ; he might have an only ami beautiful 
black daughter, who he might think should be 
rewarded by the hand and lieart of a white 
man. She might have plenty of black suit- 
ors, but no white ones of the right stamp, 
unless she happened to be immensely rich ; 
then a white lover of moderate pretensions 
might present himself If she be an heiress 
of a moderate fortune, it would be useless for 
her to aspire to the position of a white auto- 
crat's wife ; but others, of a lower grade, might 
be found, v/ho would think it more preferable 
sleeping with a wench who could support 
them in idleness sumptuously, than to marry- 
ing a poor white girl, and work out an exist- 
ence by hard labor. There are many who 
would prefer indolence to an honest and no- 
ble poverty. 

The danger is increased ten-fold by hav- 
ing their children and ours associate on 
terms of perfect equality. Improper inti- 
macies will exist, even in youth ; and these 
will ripen with increasing age, until yellow 
children, white and black children, and then 
children little whiter than yellow, all these 
mixed and remixed, till the color is finally 
lost in the masses. A few will, perhaps, pre- 
serve themselves uncorru])ted by negro 
blood; and these will finally be obliged, by 
the overwhelming majority on the other side, 
to mix with the rest ; so tliere will be no dis- 
tinction, but the race will become more and 
more degenerate and effeminate, as we now 
see in the Mexicans and in the South Amer- 
ican states. The Indians and blacks have 
crossed, making one caste ; the whites and 
blacks have crossed, thus making another; 
the whites and Indians another ; and, lastly, 



42 



OUR CRISIS. 



the Spanish, ■ who have not mixed their 
blood but with thoir own kindred and kind. 
"What a conjzlomerate condition of affairs, 
and how tda.shin<i their interests are, I need 
not here add. They revolutionize their gov- 
ernment almost every year. Each caste, or 
clan, wars against another. Every one is 
jealous of another. Every one weighs the 
amount of negro blood in his veins, and 
fears another, — perhaps his rival, — may 
have less. So it will be here, if these ne- 
groes be allowed to stay with us. I wish 
they were back Avhere they came from. They, 
perhaps, can stand it to live and die in bar- 
barism as well as their more unfortunate 
brethren, though I believe it to be their good 
to be taken irom there. Yet it is not for 
ours to have them in our families. Coloni- 
zation is our only salvation. 

^Vho, then, some one would probably in- 
quire, will cultivate the cotton and rice 
fields ? Europe is overflowing with honest, 
sturdy whites, who would gladly embark in 
agricultural pursuits, if sufficient inducements 
were offered them, to engage in cotton cul- 
ture. They are now ilocking to the West. 
Turn the current toward the South by giving 
them the same inducements there, and you 
will see how quick the country will he settled 
by a sturdy yeomanry. Of course they will 
not settle down in the midst of negro huts. 
Remove these, and thriving farm-houses will 
take their places. Then the country will be 
blessed ; now it is cursed. 

Americans ! be patriots and do something 
great and magnanimous. Do it for your- 
selves and them, and posterity will reward 
you with their thanks. Do something mem- 
orable and kind. Remove these people to 
a settlement by themselves, and your reward 
will be great. Your fame will be enduring, 
and monuments will be raised to perpetuate 
your memory by a grateful posterity. It will 
be a blessing to them and to you forever. 
Though they may think it now a great hard- 
ship, yet then they will see the utility. No 
doubt they Avill advance faster under our 
tutorship, but not half so sure. Though they 
pull us down to their level, still their children 
will suller in the same ratio as ours do. It 
will make each other more miserable. Though 
there may be a kind of revenge in .seeing 
their stock engrafted on ours, still their chil- 
dren will deplore it as a direful catastrophe; 
not so much because they are part white. A 
child or man would regret it more for being 
yellow than he would for being black ; for 
he would seem to be between, and trying 
to become white and cannot. Whatever is 
done with them I hope it will result in their 
good and to our glory. Let wisdom and not 



faction, guide our counsels and justice will 
follow ; and what is right is good. 

In dealing with this question no selfish 
considerations should enter our minds. We 
should be all in all for the country. If we 
desire to work for her interests our own will 
result ; for we and our country are one. 
We are linked inseparably together. Thence, 
it may be to our apparent interest to con- 
sider ourselves, and the salvation of our- 
selves ; but such interests are only momenta- 
ry and ephemeral ; there is nothing enduring 
and stable in them. They dazzle our eye 
for a moment, and are pleasant, but they 
soon pass away, leaving us to be mocked by 
their shadow. 

APPEARANCES NOT REAL. 

Do something self-sacrificing if you would 
receive laudatory praises. The people can 
see and determine respecting your merits. 
They know whether your patriotism is insti- 
gated by love of country, or by love of party. 
They cannot be duped by your sophistry. 
They can see through your devices and un- 
derstand well Avhat is your object. If left to 
them the question would be decided accord- 
ing to the strict letter of our principles. If 
man's interests are safer in his own hands, 
the people know this and they will not be- 
tray themselves. The people are the safest 
depositories of public trusts. If left to them 
the negro will have justice; though at the 
hands of a set of unscrupulous politicians, I 
believe he would be wronged. 

PEACE IS PROCLAIMED, 

After four years of desolating war, 
peace again smiles upon us. Not such a 
peace, however, as was once our lot, but a 
peace freed from the horrors of bloody strife. 
Even for such a peace we should be thank- 
ful, though we do not all of us partake alike 
of the blessings which a general cessation of 
arms would confer. The sword is sheathed 
in all our land. The cannon has ceased to 
belch forth its leaden hail of carnage and 
death. The war-horse no longer tramples 
on the fair, yet mutilated forms, of bleeding 
patriots. Our homes are no longer laid 
waste. Our fields are no longer made deso- 
late ; but still we do not enjoy to the full 
extent the blessing of that hallowed boon. 

Partisan contention is again active. We 
are too apt to condemn the acts of others 
without sufficient forethought. If we take a 
partisan or one-sided view of the issue be- 
fore us, we would either heartily commend, 
or uncharitably censure the course which 



CONGRESS CENSURABLE. 



43 



leading statesmen take. In onlcr not to 
follow either of these extivmes, we must 
examine the motives and objticts, beibri-. we 
either api>laud or reprove. Ilavinj^ sifted 
the case tliorouLfhly in our own minds, alone 
in our flosets, atU-r hearinfrthc ari;nmcntson 
both sides, of patriotic slatesnicn, and also 
of interested politicians, and Itviuir tally j)er- 
suaded of the truth or falsity of the jxiint in 
question, we should then proceed to deliver 
our opinion in a calm and dispassionate 
manner, free from all maliciousness on one 
side, and arrogance on the other. Neither 
should success make us abusive, nor defeat, 
servile. If we have conquered, we sliouhl 
be modest, and generous, and merciful ; if 
■we be defeated, we should be brave, — not 
asking too much, nor expecting too little. 
To be moderate in prosperity, and brave in 
adversity, are virtues which we should all of 
us cultivate. Yet to expect that these would 
all be exercised by everyone, is rather more 
than we can ask from the frailties of human 
nature. We are what we are, endued 
•with passions and propensities, and until we 
can bring these under the control of the will, 
and reason unshackled by their demands 
we cannot hope to solve truthfully an al> 
stract problem, nor adjust our differences in 
a fraternal manner. 

IS CONGRESS CENSURABLE ? 

Before answering this question, we must 
examine the motives of those interested, or 
those who now wield the destinies of the 
American Republic. We must see whether 
they are devoted to party, or to the country. 
In such a small treatise these questions can- 
not be fully discussed. Of course we cannot 
expect others to see exactly as we do. 
Every one has a mind, and, in this country, 
the right to use it : we cannot, therefore, dic- 
tate to another the course which he should 
pursue. He may think his course as patriotic 
and as disinterested as the one which we 
might suggest. 

We will first see whether the course which 
Congress is pursuing is designed to further 
the ends of party, or advance the interests 
of the country. If party and country are 
synonymous, then all that they have done or 
are doing is for the interests of the country ; 
if not then they are distinct and separate. 
The principal aim of Congress seems to tend 
to the establishment of themselves in power. 
If it is good for party to be in power, then 
all they have done is good ; if not, otherwise. 
Is it for the good of the country that but 
two-thirds of the United States be repre- 
sented in Congress ? It is good to have lib- 
erty and independence, and the privilege to 
legislate for ourselves. The reverse of this 



is bnd ; tliercfore it is not good for one part 
of tlie country to liold another |)art in sub- 
jection to its will. Then party and country 
are distinct. What means the exclusion of 
senators and rei)rcsenlativcs from Congress, 
if it is not lor the ])nrpose of upholiJirig 
party V Congress knows that as soon as she 
acce|)ts of delegates from Soutliern .States, 
she disarms herself, and gives the strength 
which she would fain wield herself into tlie 
hands of her ctuinies. We nmst not too 
severely blame tliem for this ; for selfishness is 
connate ; and it is hard to bring us to believe 
that it is good to relin(|uisli tliat wlii<-h it is 
our ajjparent interest to retain. It would be 
])atriotic for the present majority in Congress 
to i)ut itself in the minority. History, no 
doubt, would ap]ilaud them for it; but the 
gratification of tlie ])resent would not be so 
amply secured. Partisan animosities, and 
private resentments would not thus so boun- 
tifully bo reeked on their enemies. The 
passions blind the reason of men, and they 
prevent them from seeing that, ami doing 
what they might themselves even wish they 
could do. Reason and passion conllict ; but 
the latter often prevails. 

The present Congress may think that the 
course which it pursues is the best which 
could be adopted ; but we can hardly believe 
it is sincere. We, of course, must judge by 
the acts which it has passed, and the resolu- 
tions which it has adopted ; one of which is 
amendatory of the Constitution, basing rep- 
resentation on suffrage ; thus endeavoring 
to force States into "the adoption of laws 
which they have heretofore wisely, and, I 
might say, humanely rejected. How can 
such a resolution be construed as being for 
the good of the country V It cannot be, 
unless it be proved that to uphold party is 
to uphold the country. But how, it may be 
asked, can it be construed to be to the ad- 
vantage of party to adopt such a resolution ? 
Simply by putting into the hands of an 
illiterate class the ballot, which, as a matter 
of course, would be exercised to the advan- 
tage of the partv concetling it. Even this is 
presumptive. Yet it would hardly be sup- 
posed that they would wield so powerful a 
weapon for the destruction of their friends. 
They could hardly be so ungenerous, and it 
would not be expected. Still they might, 
under a change of circumstances, be induced 
to exercise such a privilege for the interests 
of their immediate surrounding; and this, 
sooner or later, would be very likely to oc- 
cur. That it would be lor the interest of the 
country, no intelligent mind will contend ; 
for whether they exercise the elective fran- 
chise in tavor of one side or the other, it is very 
probable they would do so injudiciously, or 
at the instigation of an interested influence. 



44 



OUR CRISIS. 



It is strange that our fathers foiled to see 
this point. Why did they not extend the 
franchise to the negro ? Have the people 
been so blind, in regard to a very important 
faet, during the Avhole existence of our com- 
mon-wealth, that the best interests of the 
country can be advanced by giving the bal- 
lot to the hands of the negro V Strange 
they should have overlookeil this; and what 
is stranger still, that it should have been only 
now discovered. In fact this has always been 
heretofore repudiated when left to the de- 
cision of the people in every State. We do 
but accuse the justice of this decision when 
■we attempt to force it upon reluctant States. 

Of course then such a course is against 
the country, if it is against the wishes of 
the people. Then it must be partisan, and 
not calculated, in any degree, to subserve 
the general good of the country; for it 
surely cannot be for the good of the country 
that two millions of uneducated beings 
participate in the legislative councils of the 
nation. This is why foreigners are debarred 
for five years the exercise of the elective 
fi'anchise. It is necessary that all be initiated 
into the workings of our Constitution before 
they be allowed to assist in upholding and 
amending the organic law of the land. 
"When they become sufBciently enlightened 
to discriminate between right and wrong, 
then, if they must abide with us, I should be 
in favor of any measure calculated to ad- 
vance them in the scale of social existence. 
Till then let them be tutored in all the arts 
and sciences of civilized existence. It is not 
possible, and I appeal to the rational judg- 
ment of every dispassionate mind, for a 
nation of slaves, recently emancipated from 
the most cruel bondage, to rise at one step 
to the majesty and stateliness of manhood. 
Let, them advance by a gradual progression 
upward to the acme of human hopes. 

Suppose it be conceded ; are they not as 
likely to abuse it, as to exercise it judicious- 
ly, and, perhaps, to their own disadvantage, 
and our ruin V Mexico has tried it, and 
other States and failed — shamefully failed. 
Where there is not suflicient intelligence 
and virtue in a nation for self-government, it 
is a mockery to give it to them. It accuses 
the nation of haste and ])rccipitancy in giv- 
ing that to another which cannot, and will 
not be appreciated. 

Were England and Ireland capable of 
self-government two thousand years ago ? 
Suppose it had been given them by some 
charitable nation, would it have been exer- 
cised to their advantage or to their hurt ? 
In all probability it would have been the 
direst calamity which could liave been con- 
ferred upon them. They were not prepared 
for the reception of such a boon. They must 



first be educated up to that standard of in- 
telligence and sobriety which will enable 
themselves to live in the enjoyment of con- 
stitutional blessings, before they are compe- 
tent to discharge the obligations which such 
a constitution confers. Give to a fool inde- 
pendence, and to a spendthrift wealth, if you 
wish to see the former abused, and the latter 
squandered. It would be uncharitable and 
unfriendly. It would be baneful to their 
happiness, and a sure forerunner of their 
destruction. Were the people of the mediae- 
val ages prepared for self-government ? 
Would they have been grateful to the phi- 
lanthropist who would have been so unwise 
as to have given it to them ? They would 
have laughed at the credulity of those who 
presumed that they would have thanked 
them for their interference. They would 
have mocked them with derision and con- 
tempt ; and shall we thus see our gift spurned, 
and we despised ? Better retain it ourselves 
than see it thus wantonly wasted. 

AN EXCUSE FOR CONGRESS. 

From this, we conclude, that Congress is 
censurable ; but, as I remarked before, we 
must be charitable to human infirmities ; 
and the first of these is the preservation of 
ourselves in the enjoyment of the present 
hfe ; and every means that will conduce to 
this end are bj' many deemed legitimate. 
We must, therefore, not accuse too severely, 
but remonstrate kindly with them, and try 
to induce them, from rational and patriotic 
motives, to desist from a course which can — • 
though it would be unpleasant for the pres- 
sent — only bring upon themselves discom- 
fiture and shame. It is almost like yielding 
up life itself for them at once to surrender 
the power which they wield. This is why 
Southern representatives are not admitted 
into Congress. The radicals by such an act 
would put themselves into the minority — 
almost into the position in which the South 
are now placed. They, instead of being in 
a position to wield the destinies of the re- 
public, would be compelled to sue at the 
hands of others — their adversaries — what 
they are now prepared, though unwilling, 
to give. 

The Bourbons of Europe, aided by inter- 
ested kmgs, fought desperately in the main- 
tenance of their prerogatives, in the begin- 
ning of the ])rescnt century ; neither can a 
rational mind censure them for it, however 
warndy he may espouse and advocate demo- 
cratic institutions. lie may deplore such an 
unhappy condition of things ; but the weak- 
ness of human nature will for a moment 
triumph ; yet reason will finally prevail. 



THE DIFFERENCE. 



45 



COXGRKSS AGAINST THE PRESIDKNT. 

It is a source of much rcfrrct to see Con- 
gress array itself in such hostile attitude 
against the President. We say that Con- 
gress is against the President, 'rather than 
the President against Congress. Congress 
■was first to accept tlie L^^sue ; for it being 
last in the field it was its duty either to ac- 
cept or reject the plan which was proposed. 
It chose to reject. The question now arises 
■which is to lead, and which is to be subser- 
vient to the other ? The answer is, neither. 
Our constitution is democratic, and not a 
clause in it can be so construed as to excuse 
any aggression which one may make on the 
other; on the contrary, one is designed as a 
check upon the other, for fear one or the 
other would accjuire too much power for the 
good of the commonwealth. Every true 
democrat should watch with a jealous eye 
every assumption of power, or patronage, 
■which is the same, not guarantied by the 
Constitution. They should be mutual, nei- 
ther commanding the other. The President 
may advise, but he ought not to dictate what 
Congress should do. After laws are once 
made it becomes his duty faithfully to exe- 
cute them. This is his duty, and it is 
obligatory upon him. 

Congress is the sole judge of the right of 
members to their seats. This no one con- 
tests. They are the representatives of the 
people, and as such they must permit their 
acts to be scrutinized hy those whom they 
serve. If they approve them then I have 
nothing to say. However inicjuitous and 
unjust their acts, whether constitutional or 
unconstitutional, if sanctioned by the people, 
I would not muimur. The people can work 
out their own salvation ; and before this 
august tribunal they must appear. If Con- 
gress rejects half the members which the 
people send there, they must hold themselves 
responsible at the next election. If they be 
returned, then they are a])proved, and no 
one ought to appeal from this decision. If 
the people approve the course which the 
President is following, then Congress is un- 
done, — at least, this present radical Con- 
gress. They seem to entertain no fear of 
the result, so coufideut are they of being in 
the right. 

THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN CONGRESS 
AND THE PRESIDENT. 

The difference between Congress and tlie 
President has not heretofore been sufhciently 
evident to cause any alarm to the more 
moderate republicans ; but since the passage 
of the Civil Eights Bill over the veto of tlae 



President, parties begin to range tliemKoIvea 
in distinct ranks. ISlen see that Miuietliing 
nuisl be done, and that sj)cedily, or the 
country is mined. Congress, by coming 
boldly tbrward, as slie has now recently done, 
and declaring j)lainly what line of policy she 
intends to ])ursue, wdl cause the breach be- 
tween Congress and the President to widen, 
and be more and more difficult to bridge over. 
Which is right? This every one must answer 
lor himself, after weighing in his own mind 
carefully the jiolicy of each. One may think 
Congress is right, and biing all his ri'ason to 
su[)])ort it, and think nothing can be bnjught 
against it ; while another may come to an 
entirely diU'crent coni-hision ; and each will 
think himself a patriot, while his antagonist 
is wrong. 

The difTerence between them is this : Con- 
gress wishes to admit the late rebellious States 
on the condition that the negroes be allowed 
the right of the elective franchise ; and this 
they wish to secure by an amendment to the 
Constitution, thus making it the fundamental 
law of the land, and also to reckon in the 
negroes in the apportionment of representa- 
tives. The President wishes to leave these 
entirely with the States ; as he contends that 
Congress has no right to legislate respecting 
suffrage. The States have formerly exer- 
cised this right ; and Congress has never 
before interlt-red with it. Have the States 
lost this right V Will the people sanction 
this usurpation on the part of' Congress? 
Will they sit idle and see one after another 
of their cherished sovereign inmnmities 
taken from themV — for this measure affects 
the North as well as the South. If Con- 
gress be allowed to usurp this right, it will 
form a dangerous precedent for the as.-ump- 
tion of other State privileges. If the peo- 
ple allow them to take this right, they will 
go on and on till they have all State rights 
swallowed up in themselves. Then tyranny 
reigns, democracy being dead. O Ameri- 
cans, forbid ! Let us not lose those inesti- 
mable blessings be(jueathed as a legacy by 
our revolutionary fathers. Permit them not 
to usurp one after another of those rights 
which every true American holds dearer 
than life itself Even those who now look 
with indill'erence, or perhaps side with Con- 
gress, will live to rue it in tears and blood at 
no very distant day. For what could a peo- 
ple more justly take up arms ? Nothing. 
It caused a war between Parliament and 
King Charles 1., and was not amicably set- 
tled until thousands of lives had been lost, 
and millions wasted. If a little firmness and 
jirudence had been exercised in time, all this 
could have been prevented, and the country 
saved from the ravages of civil war. Does 
the American people again wish to see their 



i 



46 



OUR CRISIS. 



country deluged in fratricidal blood V Only 
see what a small, and insignilieant, and un- 
necessary beginning tiiis is. It is the right 
of universal negro sutfrage based on constitu- 
tional law. This has been uniformly for- 
bidden by the intelligence and policy of the 
American people V bhall a knot of interested 
politicians force it upon the people V Shall 
they force us again into civil war V for it would 
ultimately result in civil war ; as the people 
cannot, will not, I trust, look indiflcrently on 
and see all their most cherished rights, ravish- 
ed one after another, from them ; and if this 
point is conceded, against the wishes of the 
Executive, others will be asked, and forced, if 
necessary, from him and from the people. Can 
the people see the highest office in their gift 
humbled, and made to subserve the inter- 
ests of a set of unscrupulous fanatics, who 
have in view no other object than the estab- 
lishment of themselves in permanent power 
and authority '? The office of President 
would be merely nominal, set up for the 
purpose of legalizing iniijuitous laws, and 
pledged to follow and obey the rescripts of 
congressional despotism. 

^V'hat matters it whether a million or more 
of untutored slaves be allowed immediately 
the exercise of the elective franchise, when 
any and every intelligent democratic mind 
■would not be averse to granting them this 
boon when they become sufficiently enlight- 
ened to act with prudence ? The people 
can see the justice of this, and the impolicy 
of endangering their very national existence, 
by extending to ungrateful beings a privilege 
which they are unprepared to exercise. 
"What use would they make of it, supposing 
it was granted '? Tliey can neither read nor 
write, nor discern any theory of government, 
nor understand any abstract principle. It 
is like giving a dollar to a monkey, who 
would consider it more as a toy, to suspend 
about its neck to laugh and grin at, than as 
a representative of a quantity of merchan- 
dise. Show a negro a ballot, and what will 
he do with it, — look, laugh, turn it over ; 
look again, laugh again, and throw it away, 
wondering all the while that any one should 
make so nuich ado about it. lie would not 
even retain it as a mark for a book. You 
must tell him to go and put it into a box on 
a table, or ijchind a bar; and even in doing 
this he would make some awkward blunders, 
as twisting it up so as to prevent its insertion 
in the slit, or stub his toe and fall down, 
grinning all the while at the foolish play. 
He would be the butt of every witticism, 
and a laughing-stock for evei'}' fool. A wise 
man would look on in shame and indigna- 
tion, and retire home lami-nting the fallen 
condition of the great Anieiican name. 
You might as well iuijjort a million of mon- 



keys to do your bidding at the ballot-box. 
Can we not vote for ourselves ? Can we 
not govern ourselves without the co-opera- 
tion of this illiterate gang ? Is not a ma- 
jority of one as good as a majority of a mil- 
lion V for, as a matter of course, they will 
all vote one way, or in proportion to the 
predominance of the influence exercised. 
Suppose, for instance, the contest is equal, 
and I, being a radical abolitionist, — God 
forbid, — with supreme influence and author- 
ity, come and cast my vote, is not the case 
decided as emphatically as it would have 
been if I had brought my minions and cast 
a million more just as I wished them to? 
Certainly it is. Then why not do away 
with this supernumerary, and do our own 
voting '? It will only entail upon us a greater 
expense, with more labor to arrive at the 
same result. More ballots will have to be 
printed, which will be at our expense, with 
the labor of distribution, and in trying to 
make them understand how and what to do. 

I regret that the circumstances compel 
us to discuss such a question at all ; but every 
well-wisher of his country cannot look on 
with indifference, and say nothing. It be- 
hoves every one to remonstrate kindly with 
those who erroneously believe they are work- 
ing for this country, pointing out the errors 
of their position, and the impolicy of pur- 
suing further such a course. All should put 
forward every exertion in order to avert 
civil dissension. We should strive with the 
eagerness of patriots, bringing to our aid 
every argument, and exerting every en- 
deavor. Let the utterances of every patriot 
be heard, and the services of every true 
lover of his country accepted. 

But for what should we be so zealous ? Is 
there fear of ruin V Yes. Will negro suf- 
frage ruin us? Yes. Why? Because they 
do not know how to vote prudently, except 
at the suggestion of some interested politi- 
cian. Tfien what shall we do ? AVhat will 
save us ? Be prudent, and virtuous, and 
wise. If we be prudent, we will act dis- 
creetly ; if virtuous, good ; and, if wise, mag- 
nanimously. We will give to the negroes 
justice, and be prudent at the proper 
time. Is not the exercise of prudence nec- 
essary to the stability and perpetuation of 
our institutions. Certainly ; lor if we had 
not been j)rudent we should not now have 
been in the enjoyment of the greatest 
blessings ever bestowed on man. Then, if 
we be good, we will extend these same bless- 
ings to others ; yes, when they are prepared 
to receive them. But it would not be 
good in us to give these to others who are 
not in a condition to enjoy them. 

The same arguments may be used against 
this question which we brought against med- 



ABOUT IRELAND. 



47 



dling in Mexican affairs. The Mexicans 
are unprepared for self-jiovernment ; and 
until tlioy become enlightened and virtuous, 
it would be unwise and impolitic to give it 
to tiiem. Let a people acquire it for them- 
selves, and then, they knowing the value, 
would preserve it. 

It is the same in regard to these negroes. 
We went on and fought their battles, and 
liberated them from slavery, without tlu'ir 
consent, and almost without their aid. This 
is enough lor one step. "Wait now and let 
them learn a little in their new position, then 
let them advance another step ; then, by and 
by, another. In this way they will progress 
faster than if you forced them to take the 
■whole stride at once. You must advance 
step by step with them, as the white race 
has done. Man cannot advance right up to 
the acme of human perfection at one exer- 
tion of his will. See how many thousand 
years have been spent in advancing us up to 
where we now stand. It is just so in every 
science. Man must advance with patience, 
labor, and perseverance. The boy com- 
mences in the primer, and ends in the college, 
through long, weary years of study and 
anxietj'. You cannot make a boy a man in 
a moment ; nor a woman into a man ever, 
however much logic and sophistry you may 
employ in the attempt. True, some women 
are better and more competent to wear 
breeches than some of the male species. 

THE UNION. 

Another argument can be adduced, to 
authorize the immediate restoration of the 
eleven rebellious States to all tlie rights of 
other States, from the fact that the Union 
should be inseparable and perpetual. Then 
receive the eleven States into Congress and 
make it a Union in fact. But the radicals 
are unwilling to do this. Why '? Because 
it would put them in the minority. The 
people, I trust, do not participate in this solic- 
itude of Congress ; neither will they be 
duped by its sophistries. They fought for 
the Union, and they will fight for it again if 
necessary. Many of them would rally be- 
neath the presidential banner ; few, very 
few, will be found on the side of despotism. 
If this continues, as it has begun, it will re- 
sult in a war between the President and 
Congress. If Congress is bound to rule it 
must be put down. The President does not 
wish it, neither would he accept it if it was 
tendered to him and secured. The Presi- 
dent seeks not his own ease and emolument, 
but the good and happiness of the country ; 
■while Congress is struggling for itself In a 
conflict of arms between the two, the peo- 
ple will side with the President ; for it is 



just as right and proper that they fight for 
him now, as for the Union then. The Pres- 
ident is for the Union, and Congress is 
against it. 

I would advise that if Congress should 
persist in the resolution of excluding the 
eleven States until they comply with their 
recpiisitions, to organize theniselves in a 
con<jress and proceed to business. Their 
ordinances would be as legal as those of 
the present Congress, when approvt'd by 
the President. The President, according to 
the theory of the Union, is just as nuich 
their President as he is the President of the 
radicals. The representatives and senators 
would be nearly as numerous and as respect- 
able as the Congress of the United States in 
1798. The President would not of course 
approve of laws which conflicted with one 
another. I do not see why it is not feasible. 
The present Congress cannot successfully 
oppose it, especially after it adjourns. Let 
one congress legislate for one part of the 
Union, and the radical Congress for the 
other ; and let the Union be represented in 
the President until after the next presiden- 
tial election ; then, after counting all the 
votes, even from the late rebellious States, 
let the candidate having the highest num- 
ber be acknowledged as being duly and 
legally elected president. Then let the whole 
country settle down peaceably and amicably 
on this decision, and return again to the 
terms of the old federal compact. I hope 
and trust that whatever is done will be for 
the good of the commonwealth. 

ABOUT IRELAND. 

We see on a distant and long oppressed 
island, a nation struggling for independence. 
They require our sympathy, and should 
have, if necessary, our co-operation. This, 
according to international law, cannot be at 
once conceded. But our relations with 
England have, by the course which she has 
taken towards the late rebellious States, 
been of a doubtful neutrality. It is a prece- 
dent for us. We can follow the same course 
toward England's rebellious subjects that 
England adopted toward ours. If policy 
suggested the course which England took, it 
is equally our own. If Ireland struggles 
manfully, heroically, and long, they must 
and shall have our assistance ; for we as lib- 
erty-loving democrats cannot be indifferent 
spectators of brave patriots. They must 
prove themselves worthy of independence 
before we endanger ourselves by a too hasty 
compliance with their requests. If they can 
acHjuire, they ought to have, liberty. Let 
them strike, and strike vigorously, if they 
would have the co-operation of others. 



■ 



48 



OUR CRISIS. 



RETROSPECT. 

I may be called, from the foregoinj;, a Se- 
cessionist, or a Copperhead, or whatever 
other term the opponent may choose to des- 
ignate me and the prinfi[)les which I have 
herein before advocated. It matters not 
what I may be called. The truth exists, I 
am, what I am. By calling me names docs 
not alter f;icts, nor make that odious which is 
not so. I have written on the subject that 
•which appears truth to me ; others may think 
diUerently, and it appear also to them to be 
true. I think I stand on true democratic 
principles, at least, I wish to stand on these 
as they are those on which the Constitution 
is based. 

I maintain that man has inherent and in- 
alienable rights ; and if man has rights men 
have the same ; therefore, man has rights 
both in his individual and in his collective 
capacity. And again; if he has rights he 
has a right to maintain them. He has a 
right to resist aggression and oppression, 
and he has a right to anticipate an oppres- 
sion which he deems threatening and emi- 
nent, but not actual. He has a right to 
revolutionize and change his government ; 
and because he does not succeed when he 
attempts it, this does not nullify the right. 
Every State in the Union would maintain 
the same if a power at Washington should 
assume unwarrantable and aggressive author- 
ity. Suppose that power should dictate to 
the otates what men to elect to Congress, 
and should refuse to accept any other, and 
should bring the military power of the nation 
to enforce his injunctions. What do you 
think the States would do? Kindly acqui- 
esce ? No ; they would rise in arms, and 
drive the tyrant from his throne, or perish 
in tlie attempt. 

I liave endeavored in this pamphlet to 
show that man has such rights, and to antici- 
pate by an apology, should the States be 
driven to such a necessity. This may be 
construed into an apology tor the South ; it 
is ; it is also one for the North. The North 
recognize it as true, and they are now sorry 
that necessity compelled them to nullify it. 
Still they do not ignore State rights. Under 
different circumstances they would them- 
selves do what the South has done. It is 
their over zeal and love for the whole Union 
which has driven them on, and they trust 



that the importance of the issue will exoner- 
ate them from all blame. When all parties 
see the value and necessity of a close adhe- 
sion to the principles and union of our fath- 
ers, I believe, and am persuaded, that not 
only will the South be sorry that they so 
rashly put in jeopardy the existence of our 
federal compact, but all future States will 
forbear and endure wrongs and injuries un- 
til the last limit of moderation is passed be- 
fore they appeal to the sword. Let all be 
actuated by such love for our common coun- 
try, and sedition and strife will cease. 
When this time arrives, the world has then 
come to the ideal standard of moral perfec- 
tion. War is less general than ever before, 
because people see more and more the folly 
of it. When war ceases entirely then the 
millennium will follow and bless the nations 
of the world with a universal })eace. Then 
concord and love will reign forever. 

Let no one construe from this that I would 
have this nation divided up into a number of 
petty jealous states and communities each 
warring against another for political su- 
premacy. Nor do I think it advisable for 
every imaginary or apparent wrong to rise 
up overflowing with wrath and indignation 
and strike down the insulter. This is the re- 
sort of passionate senseless men who disre- 
gard the promptings of the monitor within ; 
and such a course is adverse to the dignity 
of the man however much others may decry 
such a principle. Let us all stand upon our 
dignity and overawe the mind of an intrusive 
pedant by the majesty of our demeanor and 
the justice of our decisions. Let every man 
be actuated by such principles and none will 
dare intrude. Let every man be sovereign 
of himself, and, unitedly, we will be sover- 
eigns of the world. We must first be gov- 
ernors of ourselves before we can govern 
others. I would have these States live in 
harmony and union forever, but they cannot 
so long as the selfish propensities control our 
better judgment ; for how can the interests 
of all be advanced, especially when the 
Canadas and Mexico are acquired, and 
divided into states ; when the territories are 
inhabited and annexed to the Union — when 
the interests of one sectional majority are 
considered as of mere consequence than 
those of the whole ! They cannot. Let us 
live in virtue and peace. 

B. T. MuNN. 



Ska>'EAtei.es, Oct. 25, 1865. 



PROSPEC 



mZI' "•■ '-""''Ktii 




As we look upon the vast expanse of the j 013 785 669 4 » ^® ^^3^ 
man}^ lacilitios Avhioli it possesses for the ace ' r, ^^^ 

of greatness; when Ave see the people instigated hy a coninienuauiv. ^...„-.** 
the acquisition of knowledijfo, and tlio dill'usion of learning and intelligence aui^ 
the masses, and the eagerness with wliicli tlio genius of the people strives to 
lessen the toil of e^'ery branch of industry by the invention of machines for the 
alleviation of tlie ])oor, the encouragement of the wealthy, and the propagation 
of every science, and tlie i)crfection of every art ; Avhcn we see the people strive 
to ameliorate their own condition by moral, social, civil, and religious reform; 
when we see each in his or her own sphere put forward all the energies of his 
being, both mental and physical, for tlie improvement of his invention, or the 
advancement of his cause, or the dissemination of his fabrics, we cannot lout be 
proud of our nationality, and of our own achievements. 

Is there an American heart which does not 1hi-ob in unison with my own, when 
such thoughts crowd tlicmselves ujion the imagination ? No ; not one. All feel 
grateful for the imjicrishable fame which we enjoy, and the time-honored legacy 
which we ha^-e received. 

The patriot loves to survey the future, and he glories in the hope that wisdom 
Avill always guide the decisions of the peojile, and that their indiscretions may 
prove salutar}^ lessons to them, and to posterity, and not precipitate them into the 
vortex of anarcliy, dissolution, and war. He hopes that all discontents will be 
hushed b}' manly and vigorous compromises, and, if necessary, concessions ; for it 
is far better to concede a point, than to Aveaken and finally destroy ourselves and 
them by contesting it. 8uch concessions are necessary, aljsolutely, to meet the 
I'equiremcnts of advancing generations. We cannot tell Avhat the future will bring 
forth, nor what the people then Avill require ; we cannot, therefore, prescribe the 
conditions on which they shall enjoy social and political existence. The framers 
of the constitution saAv this, and wisely 2"'i"ovided a remedy Avhereby it could be so 
amended as to meet the Avishes of the people. 

But sup])ose they had not inserted such a clause ; would aa^c have been bound 
to live as they had prescribed ? Who teaches such a doctrine ? Let him receive 
the just execration of a brave people. The peojjle are the constitution, and Avhat 
the}^ decree is the suju-cme laAV of the land, everything in heaven and earth to the 
contrary uotAvitlistnnding. Talk to me of the constitution ! You can talk it to 
slaA'es, but not to freemen. A constitution, to be valid, should be re-Avritten every 
da.y. Tell me Avhat a people Avant, and I Avill tell jon AA'hat their constitution is. 

The patriot cannot but deplore the fatality Avhich so recently threatened our very 
existence, and noAV, happily for us both, being settled as' it should have been 
before, by compromise and conciliation. The course of neither can be fully justi- 
fied ; neither are they fully censurable. 

Both haA'e sinned. Both are the aggressors, and both have mutually been 
punished ; though one, ]ierhaps, more tlian the other. Neither can blame the other 
Avithout censure being reflected on himself He sees it and feels it, but is xiuAvilling 
to acknowledge it. Both have been propelled ouAvard by a sense of Avroug or 
aggression. Both are ambitious of poAver and jealous of the other. One seeks by 
a noble, j^et ill-fated patriotism to revolutionize liis state in one of her departments, 
the other is over-jealous in tlie maintenance of the existing order of things, in one 
sense, yet Avishes to revolutionize in another. Which is guilty of a crime, let no 
man tell ; but let liim receive his sentence at the judgment bar of God. There 
his sentence Avill be rigliteous ; here it is too apt to be mercenary. 

But noAv let us all ho])(' and i^ray, tliat our jieace shall ncA^er again be disturbed, 
and that the stability of the Union Avill never again be endangei-ed. Let us look 
forAvard to the tinu' Avlicn the Avhole continent Avill be subdued and cultivated. 
Let us imagine it divided into tAvo Inuulred states or sovereignties, all peaceably 
united, and amicably submitting their diilerences to the judgment of a general 
Congress, and abiding tliereby. AVhat more ])leasing picture can be presented to the 
mind '? But wlio can ho])e that the peojile Avill remain in peace so long ? While man 
is ambitious, and selfish, and envious, he cannot. In our eagerness Ave strive to pass 
'liy each otlier, and if Ave succeed Ave are envied. Emulation begets envy ; envy begets 
jealousy ; jcaU)usy Ijegets strife, and striA^ is Avar. So long, therefore, as Ave' succeed 
and advance in kiuiAvledge, science, and art, Ave must have war ; and so long as we, by 
our acts, countenance emulation and competition, let us bear uj) manfully under 
the calamities AvhicOi such acts bring upon us, and be merciful to the vanquished. 
War id our bane and our blessing ; let us reap its full reAvaid. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



013 785 669 4 • 



''<_ 



pHSJ 



